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NATIONAL FEDERATION.

TO THE EDITOR. Sir,—i our issue o£ the 25th inst. contains another article 01 Imperial .Federation and it affords me sincere pleasure to notice that you do not join the ranks of those who, unacquainted with the whole of the circumstances of the case, hastily condemn the proposition. One sentence in that article deserves farther consideration,. and I shall thank you to afford me space to refer to it. The sentence runs as follows : " After all, the-Australasian colonies are the only ones which have a show for arguing that if; would be better for them to be out- of the Empire." You point out that Canada, Ceylon, the Straits Settlement, South Africa, and the West Indies are so situated with regard to neighbouring Powers, that separation from the Empire could not well be thought of by them, and you then say that the Australasian colonies are "the only ones which have a show for arguing " that separation might be advantageous. It is true that they have the best ground for argument. The geographical position of the Australasian colonies is such that no one looking at it can avoid being struck.with its isolation ; but that that isolation affords any substantial ground for " separation from the Empire being advantageous " is a conclusion with which I canuot agree. Nothing, in my opinion, would prove more harmful to our chief interests. Separation and neutrality, although at first sight affording a ready solution to a few questions of international difficulty, yet involves in their train consequences so serions that we should pause before even contemplating them. Both in the past and at the present time we feel and have felt the benefit of a united Empire. The past and present only teach what the future is likely to bring forth. Since the year 1850 three great wars have shook to the foundation the international position of the older nations—the Crimean war, the American war, and the FraneoGerman war. During these eventful periods how fared the Australasian colonies ? I think there is but one answer : -Peace and prosperity reigned in all their borders. Unity with the Empire protected them. At the present time, when European nations are watching anxiously the solution of the Eastern Question,) when armies and navies are being mustered and made ready for battle; when stocks are rapidly rising and as rapidly falling, and commercial rela tions arc disorganised, how fares the Australasian colonies ? Again there is but one answer : —Peace and continued prosperity reign in all our borders. Unity protects us ! Are we to throw away these advantages for the future ? Shall we, for the mere sake of taking up a neutral position, cut ourselves adrift from that Power which gives us this peace and prosperity ? Can we afford to do so ? I think not. .Rather let us continue to share in all the dangers which unity brings,—dangers which experience has not yet pointed out—than step into a position the ills of which we wot. not of. I, for one, do not believe in. neutrality, for Australasia cannot afford to be neutr&l. Situated as we are, our great welfare and prosperity rests upon the peace of the high seas. We cannot be neutral in any question involving the peace of these seas. Australasia must always depend for commerce and prosperity upon its connection with the northern nations. That connection can only be effected by water communication. The peace of the high seas moans therefore Australasian prosperity. National federation is equivalent to maritime peace. What would be our position supposing we 1 were neutral ? What advantage would be | gained by accepting the advice of those who itfge colonial independence ? In the first place we should nave to determine upon some form of confederation amongst ourselves, and the question would then arise, Whether it would be advisable for New Zealand to join in such a federation. Secondly, we should have to open diplomatic relations with all the Great Powers, and appoint Consular officers in all foreign ports of importance. Thirdly, we should have to set about establishing land and naval forces, for general protection; and, fourthly, we should have to purchase a commercial marine, for Foreign Powers would not respect Australasian cargoes if carried in belligerent bottoms. These things would have to be done, and our revenue, capital, and attention would consequently be directed towards their accomplishment. Let anyone think for a moment of the annual loss and expense this would entail. All our attention is at present devoted to commercial prosperity, and social content and advancement. Cau we afford to devote a great portion of that attention to other objects V Are our lands safficiently opened up, or are we ourselves sufliciently advanced to outer upon the strife which neutrality would bring ? I think not. In my opinion, Australasia for many years to come would consult its interests the best by continuing a bond which bestows upon it such substantial blessings. No present advantage, therefore, is to be gained by separation.

But are the Australasian colonies always to be dependent 5 What about fifty or a hundred years hence, when they will possess a great population aud a great commerce ? Will it not be better then for them to throw their sword iu the scale of nations, aud say what shall be or what shall not ? Again I say, no. There will be all the more necessity for us to continue our present union, for the reason above stated, that maritime peace means Australasian prosperity. The only way to maintaiu peace is for certain great nations to determine to maintain it. No nation will be able to do so single handed. We cannot hope to do so; but England, Canada, the CapeJ and Australasia will lie able to maintain the maritime peace of the world. For Australasia to hold aloof from such a union -would, in my opinion, be a disastrous policy, for, if separated, neutral in the time of danger, we should still have to seek for powerful allies. Why give up those allies whose interests are identical with bur own 1

I therefore think that it is the interest of the Australasian colonies to promote and join iu any scheme of national federation (I prefer the word national to imperial), and to take their share in national or imperial burdens, for that, will be found the cheapest in the long run. We cauuot so contribute without being in some manner nationally consulted. It rests with the home authorties to devise some plan of federation, in order that we may be so consulted. I have no doubt whatever that when the time arrives for that plan to be submitted to our local legislatures, it will be considered in a manner befitting so importaut a subject.---I have, &c., COI.EMA.Sf PIIIIXIPS. Auckland, January 2G, 1577.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH18770203.2.32.5.1

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume XIV, Issue 4748, 3 February 1877, Page 1 (Supplement)

Word Count
1,133

NATIONAL FEDERATION. New Zealand Herald, Volume XIV, Issue 4748, 3 February 1877, Page 1 (Supplement)

NATIONAL FEDERATION. New Zealand Herald, Volume XIV, Issue 4748, 3 February 1877, Page 1 (Supplement)