HOUSE OF LORDS.—Monday. Feb. 23.

New Zealander, Volume 8, Issue 649, 3 July 1852, Page 3

HOUSE OF LORDS.— Monday. Feb. 23.

Tbe Marquis of Lan^downe. — I rise, my lords, for tbe purpose of moving that the order of the day which now stands for Friday next, viz., " to move the appointment of a select committee to consider tbe expediency of renewing the East India Company's Charter," be discharged; and in making that motion, you will, my lords, readily anticipate that tho the ground on which 1 make it is a circumstance already known to all your lordships — that all Her Majesty's Ministers have resigned, and that they only hold their offices until their successors are appointed. In making this announcement I am moat anxious not to make any observation whatsoever calculated to excite any diileience of opinion or even to provoke any sort of discussion, I should wish so to abstain under any circumstances, but more especially dining the absence of a noble eail — a noble and much valued friend of mine, though a political opponent — from whom I have heard within the last hour that ha has accepted office, and is now engaged in the formation of a new Administration — a task in which, though it is impossible for me to give him any assistance, I should be the last man, were it even in my power, to create the slightest shade of impediment. I say that I should be the last man to create impediments in the formation of an Administration under any circumstances, because we are daily informed that, independen ly of that Administration which is now in the course of foi - mation, there are concualed many anonymous administrations capable and ready to conduct affairs j but unfortunately too modest to make themselves known, I have, theiefore, only to state now, that 1 have long been of opinion — and every hour during the last year has confirmed me in that opinion — that the retention of office and the prolongation of official existence by a Government wbicb does not obtain that amount of suppoit which is necebsary to enable it to conduct with efficiency the Queen's affairs not only reases to be productive of good, but also becomes productive of evil to the country. I say, therefore, that the very instant I ■was apprised on Saturday niorntng ny my noble friend in the other house that in consequence of what had I occurred there the night before be was inclined to adopt the course of resigning into Her Majesty's hands the tiubt which she had confided to him, I instantly intimated to him my acquiescence in, and my nppiobation of that course; and 1 am authorized to state fuitherthut, when J coiuiuuniCtUt'd tbe circumstance to the rpst of our colleagues, they unanimously and unhesitatingly concurred m (hat course. My lotds, I do not know whether it bo necessary for me to say more. What I have already said is on account of the Govprnment with which 1 have been connected, and on account of the colleagues with whom I have had the honour and the happiness to serve. But I may, perhaps, be permitted, my lords, considering the position

111 which 1 feel myself now to stand, and conbulenrg 1 that it is most improbable— l mighLeven addastionger woid-— that I should evoi ago in, [under any circum- ' stances, address you Aom this bench — I may, perhaps, be permitted to <)dd a tew words to that communication, which I have aheady made to you. Though it will t always be considered by me, so long as I bare life and t health, to be part of my duty to attend the proceedings of your loidsinps' House on various important proceedings winch are pending in times of a most eventful chaiacter, and in times which, I think, will Jong coni tinue to be of a most eventful character, yet I shall i feel it to be more peculiarly my duty to take part in some questions of great public interest, if they should be presented to your consideration. And it will be the moie satisfactoiy to me to take part in one of tho.se questions, if it bo presented to you ; because I shall then give my opinions 'unbiassed and untrammelled by any official relations. I say, also, that though I consider this to bo my duty, the time has at length arrived when I may reasonably dispense from a constant, and I may even add a compulsory, attendance on the proceedings of the House ; and, with this feeling on my mind, I ennnot sit down on tbis occasion without thanking; all my noble friends, personal as well as political, for the warmth and the cordiality of the support which from them 1 have constantly experienced. (Hear, hear.) But I must further add, that I shall quit this house with a feeling that I am deeply indebted, to the flouse at large, and, I will say, to all the noble lords opposite, for the invariable kindness, courtesy, and forbearance wilb which they have umfoimly received me. (Hear, hear.) It has always been my wish, — and it will always continue to bo my wish, — to sea observed in the proceedings of this House that absence of all violence of temper and of all acrimonious feeling, which I am. sure is essential to tho dignity of }our lordships-, and if I have contributed in any degreo to the maintenance of that dignity it will be a source of constant satisfaction to me, convinced, as I am, that it is by observing that mode of proceeding your lordships will best maintain that authority in the countiy which you derive from its constitution — an authority which (whatever may be said to the contrary) I believe all the sane parts of the country wish you long to enjoy. I say, my lords, the aane part of the country — for all that portion of the public has had occasion to see, within the last few years, that there is no country in the world with institutions similar to yours, and that where they have existed, and have been hastily abolished, it has been found much easier to destroy than to reconstruct them. (Cheers.) I leave, then, my lords, this place with the most ardent hope that, under whatever Government you may be placed, }our loidsbips may continue to pursue that course which entitles jou to the respect of the country— a respect which I am confident that you will continue to maintain. (Hear, hear.) I have felt myself justified in saying thus much to your lordships on account of the situation in which I now find myself. I have now only to say that it is my intention to move, if I boar no objection from aDy noble lord, thnt, on our rising to-night, we adjourn till Fuday night. I do this after a communication with the noble eai I to whom I have already alluded. If it should be stated to me by any noble lord th.it there is business either of an ordinal y or of a judicial chaiactrr, theie can be no objection to our adjourning fiom day to day with a view to its transaction, on the perfect understanding, however, that till Friday next no public or pohtica.l business is to be transacted. The noble marquis then resumed his seaC amid loud cheers from both sides of the house. As soon as they had subsided, The Earl of Malmi-sbury spoke to the following effect: — My lords, it would be unbecoming in me, after the remaiks which have just $\>llen from the uoble mavqiu<s, to say anything; but this — that we have nothing on this side of the house, and, I believe^ nothing on the other side of it but pride and pleasure at the way in which the noble marquis hns ju&t addressed us. (Hear, bear.) Pride and pleasure wo feel here when the noble mmquis (ells us, and tells us truly, that during the political battles which have been waged between the two sidps of the House he has endeavoured to give neither offence nor pain to any man, but hag constantly- exhibited those lessons of couitesy and kindness which are so becoming and so necessary your lordships' house. I hope that the words of the noble marquis will ba long remembeied hero, coming as they do from a man of the highest authority in experience, in dignity of bearing, and in courtesy of mnnnei, cm the mo&t exciting and sometimes on the most ollensive questions. (Great cheering.) I think that they will be loti£ remembered 03' thosn members of t'ns House who <ue of the hime age and euppnnnce as the noble marquis, and also by tbo>e younger friends behind me, who cm leceive nothing but good from considering and leflecting upon the speech he has just delivered to us (Hear.) I havenothing to add, save that I truU that, if the course of events should pi event the noble marquis from occupying the bench on which he is now sitting, we sh.ill not lose for m.my a day the valuable assistance which bo ia capable of giving to our deliberations. I trust that he will long give us the benefit of his advice, and the I valuable example of those admirable qualities which aie so indispensable in a. deliberative assembly. (Cheers.) I The House then adjourned till Fiiday.

Friday, Fan. 27. Lord Redesdale took his saat on the woolsack, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, at five o'clock. On the Treasury bench, were Eirl Derby, the Earls of Malmeslmry, E» Hilton, Salisbury, and Lonsdaio. The Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl Grey, Lord Miuto, and other members of the late Ministry were on the opposition bench. The galleries of the peeresses were crowded, as were also the spaces allotted for members of I'arliaracnt and strangers. At a few minutes past five, The Earl of Derby rose and said that the place which ho now occupied not only called upon him to justify the occasion of his being- there, but also imposed upon his the absolute necessity of endeavouring, as shortly and as concisely as possible, with the frankness due to the audience which he addressed, to explain the motives which had induced him to undertake the duty of forming an Administration, but also to lay before their lordships the outline of the course which, having undertaken that responsibility, he felt it incumbent on him to follow out. Before he proceeded, however, to the gencr.il subject, he could not deny himself the gratification of thanking the noble marquis opposite for the expressions which he had used the other nig-ht. Ho could not value too highly such testimonials coming' from annana r man whom, from earliest boyhood, ho had been taught to look upon with hereditary reverence, and for ! whom, as advancing years rolled on, those feelings ripened into sincere respect and admiration, which, he was proud to say, had never been lessened even by the different circumstances in which they had been placed. It was one advantage in party warfare in this country that men of far more widely different opinions* than those of the noble Marquis and himself might continue to entertain for each other feelings of personal esteem and admiration, unembittcred by the contentions of party. He trusted, however, that what ho had heard had not been correctly reported to him, that the noble Marquis entertained an intention of retiring from the more active political duties which he had so long- discharged. It might, however, be a consolation to him to know that ho carried with him the warmest esteem and admiration of those with whom ho had been associated, for the fair, uncompromising, dignified, and perfectly courteous manner in which he had discharged those duties. It would lie an encouragement to him to know that a future generation would point to him how, after a period of nearly fifty years occupied in public service, a statesman would retire, carrying with him the sincere esteem of his political associates, and the admiration and respect of his opponents. After thus relieving himself of a private duty, ho must proceed to the more ardous portion of his task. It was unnecessary to speculate on the causes which had led to the downhill of the Lilo Government, he liimbflf had so little expected upon the particular occasion that he had oronc down to the count ly to remain for three or four days. Tt was, therefore, with great surpriio that he had received intelligence of the resignation of the ministry, nm\ upon aniving in town had received Her Majesty's command to wait on her at half-past two no\t

day. lie had then to coupler the grent responsibility on onp hand of undertaking the task of ib] 1111113 an A-ilminiiitration, and on the other hand, of leaving the Queen find the country without a Government. After weighing all these consideration*, and with a deep sense of his rcsponsihiJifcy and of his own ability, he had decided to undevt'ike tlic task, and on communicating with those whom lie had felt it to he his duty to inform of what had passed lie was strengthened in his determination. If was his duty, therefore, having 1 uudei taken this t:sk, to state frankly, without disguise, what course he meant to pursue. With respect to foreign policy, he was sure there was no one who would not agree with him in the necessity of maintaining universal peace. (Hear, hear.) [Te liclicved friiat peace would be best maintained by pui-snino- towards all foreign powers a calm pnd temperate course of conduct, not only in our acts alone, but in our words and expressions, and by adhering- with strict fidelity to the letter of the obligations imposed upon us by treaty, and in respecti?)g to the utmost degree the independence of all nations, great or small, and their right to manage rs they please their own internal affiurs. (Cheerb.) He believed that the Constitution under which we had the happiness to live was the best that could possibly be devised for seeming the liberties and happiness of the great ect number, and while lie should be glad to see other nations extending the blessings of our institutions, lie should always insist that we had no light, as a nation, to display i*ny prejudice towards the form of government adopted by any country, be it the most absolute despotism, be it an unlimited monarchy, or be it a constitutional republic. (Hear, hear.) lie concurred w ith the Noble Lord, the late Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that nations should act towards each other w ith dignity and forbearance : and that nations like private individuals', would find it more to their advantage to make ample reparation for any injury it may have inflicted, either upon a nation or the subjects of a foreign nation, with cheerfulness and promptitude whenever the circumstances of the case demanded it. (Loud cheers.) On the other hand, he was convinced that if we should have occasion to complain of the conduct of another nation the cour&e open to us was equally as plain and simple. We should calmly and temperately state our cause of complaint, without indulging either in strong language of vituperation, and rely confidently upon the honour and justice of those to whom tiie complaint should be' made. (Cheers.) He could not but think that acting- steadily upon this principle, and acting steadily upon the other piinciples of forbearance which he j^had endeavoured to explain both towards the most powerful and the most weak of the nations of the earth, he should not only he enabled to maintain the blessings of peace, but enabled futhcr to rcccve towards this country the good will and friendship of the various nations of the world. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He believed the preservation of a g-ood understanding between the vpnous nations of Europe was of the highest degree of importance to this country ; and the only way for England to promote that good undei standing, was to preserve a strict neutrality in respect to the internal affairs of each country. (Cheers.) He believed our navy never was more efficient than it was at this present time. (Cries of "Hear, hear.") He heJievcd it would be effectual, whether it was for the purpose of guarding our shores from attack, or whether it was to guard our distant possessions and colonies, or to protect that almost boundless extent of commerce which wanders over every sea, and visited every port throughout the known world. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) For all such pmposes, he believed our navy was never mqre efficient than it was at this moment, and so he hoped it would ever continue to be. (Cheers.) He believed also that the military service of the country was most efficient, but still not so numeiically large as to give the slightest ground of jealousy to any foreign power. The disposition of the people was against large standing armies, and they had no desire to extend the dominions of the Crown, far less to engage in any warfare with another county. lie .believed if the country was threatened with invnsion, the people of England and Ireland would rise as one man for the purpose of protecting their own rights. The noble earl then depreciated the attempt to get up an invasion panic, which of itself, witiiout any real grounds for suspecting an invasion, gave rise to the necessity of preparing additional armaments. Still he thought the ancient military force of the country which had been formerly restored to, should be placed under better organisation and discipline. The noble lord next adverted to the refine which the country afforded to political refugees from foreign nations, and. though the ancient principles of the Constitution would be adhered to, he should deem it his duty to inform foreign Governments of any steps which those persons might take while here to upset their native Governments. On the financial and commercial policy of the Government, he said he still entertained the opinion that he saw no reason why com should be the only article among foreign imports which was to be exempted from duty. He approved of the principle of taxation adopted in the United States of taxing all those imports which entered into competition with the produce of their own soil. The American system appeared to him to be the easiest to depend upon in piinciple, and the least burdensome in practice, hut though he did not shrink from avowing his opinion as to the imposition of a duty on corn, he would state what he had done on former occasions that the question was one which could only be fcolved by a reference to the well-understood and clearly-expressed opinion of the people. (Chceis.) That a! measure of this kind could only be carried by a Government possessing the confidence of the country and of Parliament. (Hear.) lie readily avowed that ho did not possess a majority in the other House, nor was he sure that lie had a majority in this House. He, theief'ore, thought he should not consult the public interest if at this period of the year, and in the present circumstances of the world, ho interrupted the regular couisc of legislation, in the other House. lie confessed he thought it would be for the advantage of the country if the Government took a much humbler but perhaps not less rueful task than reviving the question of Protection, lie avowed, as he could not command a Parliamentary majority, that the Government would have to make appeals to the indulgence of both Houses, and he had sufficient confidence in the good sense and judgment oiVthc House of Commons, to think that they would not unnecessarily introduce subjects of a controversivc or of a party nature, for the mere purpose of in- j temipting sound and useful legislation, and depriving a Government, which owned its weakness, of that moderate and temperate course which it had chalked out for itself. There were subjects enough to discuss without dealing with large or complicated questions such as measures of legal reform, and several measures for improving the condition and comfort of the people. (Hear, hear.) He believed that the Government, even with a minority in the House of Commons, would not if such a course were adopted, be altogether useless in conducting the business of the country (Hear, hear). If any factious opposition was offered it would, he was assured, recoil upon its authors. The Noble Earl then stated that it was not his intention to proceed with the Parliamentary Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) He could solemnly aver, in the presence of that Providence which disposed of the affairs of men, that no personal ambition of his own had led him to seek that dangerous eminence which the favour of his Sovereign had imposed upon him, and with that conviction, he his Administration long or short, lie would not only have attained his heart's desire, but have fulfilled the highest ambition which mortal could aspire to — to secure the great objects of peace upon earth and good-will towards men, of advancing the social and moral improvement of the countiy, and the safety and honour of his Sovereign. The noble earl sat down amid loud and nni versa! cheers.

( Eavl Grey then rose and said that he had heard with regret', if not with consternation, of the intention of the Government to recur to a policy which had already been abandoned by imposing a duty on the food of the people. The Earl of Derby rose for the purpose of explaining. What he had stated was, that lie could sec no reason why corn should form an exception to other m ticks imported fiom abroad on which it was customary to impose a, duty for the sake of revenue. But he had also stated that that was a ernes ion which ought to be settled, and which in fact could only be settled, by the ge^ral voice of the community. Earl Grey said, he felt somewhat relieved at hearing the explanation from the noble carl. He should still, however, stale that the noble earl ought not, in bis opinion, to keep brck the intention of the government on a question such as that inasmuch as it was of vital consequence to the landed interest with reference to every transaction between landlord and tenant, and also to the manufacturing and commercial interests, that the determination of the government should he fully known. Otherwise the whole commercial transactions of the country would be left in doubt and difficulty. Earl Fitzwilliam said he had hoped there would have been no further debate on that occasion after the frank, manly, and honourable disclo&ure of his intended policy made by the noble carl at the head of the government, ile regretted that Earl Grey instead of taking a comprehensive view of that statement, had singled out one particular topic /or commentary, and that the most exciting of any which had been referred to. The Marquis of Clarincarde justified the course adopted by Earl Grey, in pressing the Government for a declaration of its commercial policy. Upon so important a point ifc was unquestionably the duty of Government to declare itself distinctly, and he trusted it would hereafter be prepared to do so. The Earl of Aberdeen avowed his adhesion to the commercial policy of his late lamented friend, Sir Robert Peel, and he declared his conviction that it would be impolitic and impossible to attempt to retrograde from the free commercial policy which had been in latter years adopted. Witn. respect to the principles of foreign policy avowed by Earl Derby, they were those which he (Lord Aberdeen) believed to be essential to the preservation of peace, and to the maintenance of the just influence of this country, and on this point, therefore, ho did not anticipate any difference in the now Administration. Lord Brougham hoped that the question of Law and Equity Reform Avould be placed on the list of the Earl of Derby, whose Government should not receive a factious opposition irom him and he (Lord Brougham) expressed his belief that the noble earl would not find it necessary, from any impediments his administration was likely to meet with, to appeal to the country. He suggested, with reference to the adjournment of the House, that it should meet on Monday next, and continue to sit throughout the week for judicial business. It would be understood that no public business was to be transacted before Friday next. The Earl of Derby assented to the arrangement suggested by the noble and learned lord. Their lordships then adjourned.