WORLD COURT

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LVI, 26 April 1923, Page 5

WORLD COURT

AMERICAN ADHESION

CAMPAIGN BY PRESIDENT HARDING (By Electric Telegraph—Copyright). (Australian & N.Z. Cable Association;. NEW YORK, April 24. " President Harding, speaking at a newspaper publishers' meeting, opened a campaign for American adhesion to the World Court by the service of nolice on members of his own party who are opposing the proposal to which he is irrevocably committed. The President referred to the various Republican campaigns and platforms since 1915 approving of the peaceful settlement of international disputes; mid also quoted his own presidential campaign speeches favouring the creation of an international association world court. While disapproving of the League of Nations continuing, President Harding said that in compliance with its pledges the new Administration definitely and decisively put aside all thought of the United States entering the League of Nations. It does not propose to enter by the side door, the back door or the cellar door. "I have no unseemly comment to offer on the League if "its serving tue Old World will help. More power to it. But it is not for us. The Senate has so declared, the Executive has so declared, and nothing could be more decisively stated with finality." President Harding then referred to the Washington Arms Conference declaring that the United States would cive the world an example of the conference way to peace, which time will appraise as a supreme accomplishment. Referring to the establishment of a World Court and the presence of an American judge in it, President Harding declared perhaps thai the Court was not all some advocates of the Court plan would have, "but it is in a large measure the fulfilment and aspiration we long boasted. So I thought, and still think we ought to be a party to an agreement- to assume our part in jits maintenance and give to its benefits such influence as our size, wealth, and ideals may prove to be. For mere eligibility 'to appeal to the Court nothing is" needed. It did not seem fair to seek its advantages without accepting all becoming responsibilities, and here develops the stumbling block. Naturally we wish to participate in the selection of judges.

NO THOUGHT OF JOINING

LEAGUE "We had no tTiought of joining the League. We sought none of its offering, and will accept none of its obligations." Tlie President could propose no solution to the signatory powers because the world lias witnessed with disappointment the spectacle of ah executive proposing and a senate disposing it. Was it not desirable to make some pioposal abroad that could not be carried out so very informally. The situation was felt out over a considerable of time and when satisfied there was an appropriate course of action without connection with the League, provided the Senate consented, I proposed adherence to the Court. A protocol asked the Senate's consent, and it was pointed out that no rights or obligations under the League would be incurred ; but to make certain we would not be involved the Secretary of State's letter suggested a' suitable reservation affording ample guarantee. This is a complete recital of its harmony with tho platform pledge and candidate-rial promise, and I believe American aspirations. Excessive friends of the .League have beclouded the situation by unwarranted assumption that it is a /move toward League membership. Let disabuse their minds because there is no such thought among us who must make our commitments abroad. The situation likewise will be clouded by those who shudder excessively when the League is mentioned and assume an entanglement unavoidable. Any entanglement would first require the'Senate's assent, and if by any chance the Senate approved of any entanglement, the present Administration would not ratify. ONE POLITICAL BUGBEAR "Frankly there is one political bugLear. When we discussed the League of Nations I myself contended, as a senator, for equal voting power on the United States' part with any nation of the world. With her dominions member of the ' League, the assembly of tho British Empire will have six votes in that branch Court electorate, Hut it has only one in the council's electorate, as no nation can have more thaD one judge. It is a less formidable objection than when applied to the League as a super power. I appraise the objection as one who voted against this disparity of power in the League Assembly, but in appraisal now I do not hesitate to say if other Great Powers can accept without fear of the British Dominions' voting strength when they are without ties of race to minimise international rivalries and suspicions, we ought in view of the natural ties with the English-speaking kinship, feel ourselves free from the danger. A perfected Court must be a matter of development, and I earnestly commend it because it is a great step iti the right direction toward the peaceful settlement of justifiable questions, and eliminating of frictions which lead to war, and a surer agency of international justice through, the. application of the law than he hoped for. In arbitration .influences and prejudices of men of expediency in politics wo can do vastly more to perfect in the capacity of an adherent than in aloofness in which we arrogate . to • ourselves the right to say to the world 'we dictate but never comply.' I would yield none of our rights, none of our nationality, but would gladly give of our influence and co-operation to move forward and upward toward a world peace and a reign of justice which is infinitely moro secure in rule of national honour than in national or international force. I lave indulged in a dream which may be justified, and hope that if encouraged and sustained the Court might come to fulfilment of the larger aspirations. In proof of its utility, and the soirit of concord among the nations, might come tliat voluntary conference of nations out of which could be expected a clarified and codified international law to further assure peace under a law te bring nations to that understanding which is ever the first and best guarantor of peace." COMM ERCIA L AI)VANT AG ES President Harding declared be had little patience with the contention that those believing in commercial advantages attendablc by a larger assumption of world responsibility of the nations not engaged in bartering and trade advantages for larger fellowship. "We do not do it ourselves, and need not ask what we do not give. A restored Europe would add to the volume, of world commerce. Our influence and helpfulness are ready when they will avail, but cannot intrude where wo ourselves would resent intrusion." President Harding's speech is regarded as one of the strongest of any peace time president.