DANGER OF A SPREAD OF WAR FEELING

Manawatu Times, Volume 60, Issue 250, 23 October 1935, Page 16

DANGER OF A SPREAD OF WAR FEELING

Views of Bishop of Exeter

ttte should be most careful not to let the war feeling spread. This is true now, and it will be more true When hostilities in Abyssinia have begun. And I myself have very little hope that this can be avoided. (Thus the Bishop of Exeter in the “Daily Mail” on August 24).

France cannot possibly bring armed pressure to bear on Italy. lor such would force Italy into an alliance with Germany, and there is nothing that the French dread so much as a third German invasion. Bemember they nave suffered more than any nation in the clash of arms. Bemember also that they are within easy flight of the German bombing machines. I do not see how we could bring armed pressure to bear on Italy even if it were right.

We have explained to Europe that we are quite determined not to fight. The young men at Oxford went farther than many of wo older folk will go. They said they would not even fight for King or country,

We could sever all our trade relations. We could drink French wines, and use French oil, and refuse Italian wines and oil. Or we could refuse to supply them with any coal, and force them to buy their coal from Germany and elsewhere. I cannot believe that those considerations would seriously affect their policy.

We could, after the manner of modern diplomacy have conferences in various European capitals. But if one pictures to oneself such a conference one cannot see any very cogent argument that could be used to induce Italy to withdraw her troops. ,We must remember that for Italy to withdraw her troops would be tantamount to a national defeat. It would be even worse than a defeat, it would be a humiliation. Probably the present Fascist Government would not survive at.

Is it reasonable to ask the ruler of Italy so to act?

For if this present Government fell, it would probably mean the death of those who > were responsible for the Government. Nay, vengeance would not be content with the death of one man, but would pursue those connected with him.

v Early Peace Wanted. I cannot see- how anything short of Armed force can compel the rulers of Italy to withdraw their armies. If war is inevitable, and I am afraid it is, the great object we should have in our minds is to secure an early peace.

Do not repeat the mistake of 1915 and 1910. It was bad enough to be forced into the war of 1914, but it was simply folly to continue the war until .we left Germany in a much stronger position, as we now know, than she would have been in 1915. For then she would have been kept in order by a powerful Russia. So that if this war eventuates, let us do our best to make it as brief as possible.

The danger is that the Abyssinian? should have an apparently crushing defeat. And that then the Italians would march into the country, only to discover that their enemy was in no way really defeated. Their fate would be not unlike our fate has been in Af-

ghanistan,

j Italy would bo bleeding to death, for she has but very slender financial resources, and the Abyssinians would be becoming more and more warlike, for those Arab Semitic races never succumb to defeat. Meanwhile in Europe would Hitler keep his hands off Austria? If there were a successful Nazi offensive against Austria could France and Poland sit 'quiet? One feels that Europe is just like one of our dry moors; at the present moment peaceful and happy, yet ready to burst into flame if anyone applies even a spark. If we are to shorten the war we must all refrain from the pleasure of insulting Italy. There is a type of English individual who is a European clanger. He loves either by pen or speech to express his opinion on the moral iniquities of other nations.

Broken Promises. If he. would express it from the point of view of a fellow sinner he might do good. If he would “share,” to use the word made popular by the groups, and say for instance, “Wo have all broken our promises. England has not paid America,” and went on to say, “But you know it is wrong, we should either not promise or we should try to perform our promises.”

If he would point out that we are much to blame by reserving great territories both in Australia and elsewhere, which we cannot pretend to cultivate, while Italy and other overcrowded nations cannot find room to expand, he might produce an atmosphere of peace. But on the contrary, be will “thank God that he is not as other man are”; as Germans, Italians, and suchlike. And from this high moral altitude ho will administer rebukes which will cause the most profound irritation. When he does not rebuke, he will patronise; in fact, every word he will say will make Italy more and more determined not to recall her troops. I am one of those who believe that the future of the world involves peace. That peace can only exist if there is brotherhood and co-operation between nations.

The League of Nations is quite on the right lines, but its weakness is that it does not go far enough. I believe that Italy ought not to have been allowed to feel the necessity of expansion. That in fact the countries of Europe should be like the counties of England, several of which were at one time or another separate countries. We want to pass by the conception of “nationality” of a motley of civilised units in peace-time trying to ruin and starve their neighbours by tariffs and regulations and in wartime trying to kill their neighbours, and being very sorry for themselves when they are the victims of retaliation.

In peace-time we should be trying to build up the prosperity of our neighbours. And we should then find that that ended in our own prosperity. And in war-time, though it would not be necessary, we should be ready to defend our neighbours. For there would be no wars if there were no conflict of interests.

Let us picture to ourselves the Italiau wife and mother even nowweeping and not let'the pity we all feel for Abyssinia make us forget the aching hearts in many an Italian cottage.