MUSSOLINI SPEAKS

Manawatu Times, Volume LIV, Issue 6802, 4 January 1929, Page 3

MUSSOLINI SPEAKS

A Notable Autobiography But, after alt, sirs, what butterflies are we looking for under (he arcli of Titus'? ’Welt, I declare here in front of all the Italian people, tliat I assume, I alone, the political, moral, historical responsibility about everything that has happened. Jf sentences, more or less maimed, are enough to hang a man, out with the noose! If Fascism has only been castor-oil or club, and not a proud passion oc the best Italian youth, the blame is on me! If > iscisni has been a criminal assoeiai.'yu, if ail the violence have been the result of a determined historical, political, moral delinquency, the responsibility of this is on me, because I have created it with my propaganda from the time of our intervention in the war to this moment. —Benito Mussolini, in 'My Autobiography.’ Whatever views people may have of Fascist rule, they are interested in the maD, Benito Mussolini. They have to admit that conditions in Italy arc in many respects better under his rule, that lie has abolished many intolerable abuses of former State Government in Italy—the railways and municipal government arc more efficient —and that corruption has vanished, by the strong action of Mussolini and his Fascist regime. This admission does not prevent strong criticism of Fascist rule which runs counter to democracy as the rest of the world knows it, nor will be lessen the interest of Mussolini’s own story of his life which is published tins week. The book is translated by Air. K. W. Child, who was American Ambassador to Italy from 1921-24, during the years that. Mussolini seized power in Italy “It is all his, so like him. Approve of him or not, when one reads this book one may know Mussolini

or know him better,’’ soys his translator, and that is why most people will read the book.

Mussolini tells the story of his lire —his boyhood, his career in the army, his work as a journalist —and gives a vivid picture of the early days of his regime. His own version of the Matteotti incident is a piquant item in the book, but it is his attempted justification. of his regime that is his main purpose. He writes, for example:— “My Government, in December, 1222, gave an admonition to the Fascists themselves. It was in the following terms: — “Thus, in a few words, the position and the duty of the party in the life of the Fascist regime were indicated.’’ An Unlooked-for Claim. “When, in Parliament,,’’ Mussolini adds later in his biography, and this is an unexpected revelation: “I pronounced my first speech of November 16, 1922, after the Fascist revolution, concluding by invoking the assistance of God in my difficult task. Well, this sentence of mine .seemed to be out of place! In the Italian Parliament, a held of action of Italian Masonry, the name of God had been banned for a long time. Not even the Popular Party —the so-called Catholic Partyhad ever thought of speaking of God. “In Italy a political man did not even turn his thought to the Divinity. And, even if he had ever thought of it, political opportunism and cowardice would have prevented him, particularly.in a legislative assembly. It remained for me to make this bold innovation! And in an intense moment of revolution. What is the truth? It is that a faith openly professed is a sign of strength. “I have seen the religious spirit bloom, again: Churches once more arc ciowdcd, the Ministers of God arc themselves surrounded by new respect. Fascism had done, and is doing, its duty. A Significant Qualification.

But he adds this significant phrase:— “Faith in Italy has been strengthened. Fascism gives impulse and vigour to the religion of the country. But it will never be able for any reason to renounce the sovereign rights of the State’’—which rather goes to show tliat ho does not look to the church or any other similar agency, to help him in his rule. “I was the leader of the revolution and chief of the Government at thirtynine. Not only have I not finished my job, but I often feci that I have not even begun it,’’ lie writes in a concluding chapter. “The better part comes toward me. I go toward it at this moment. However, I tako pride in affirming that I have laid solid foundations for the building of Fascism. Many ask me what will be my policy in the future, and where lies my final objective. “My answers are here. I ask nothing for myself, nor for mine: no material goods, no honours, no testimonial; no resolutions of approval which presume to consecrate me to history. My objective is pimple; I want to make Italy great, respected, and feared; I want to render my nation worthy of her noble and ancient traditions.

“I desire our nation to conquer again, with Fascist vigour, some decades or perhaps a century of lost history. Our garrison is the party, which has demonstrated its unrcplaceable strength. I have trust in young people. Their spiritual and material lire is led by attentive, quick minds and by ardent hearts. I do not reject advice, even from opponents, whenever they are honest. 1 cover with my contempt dishonest and lying opponents, slanderers, deniers of the country, and everyone who drowns every sense o dignity, every sentiment of national and human solidarity in the filthy cesspool of low grudges. Defeated ones Who cluck to the wind, survivors of a building in the ruin and shame in which the country was going to bo dragged, sometimes do not even have the dignity of silence. “I have annihilated in myself every egotism: I, like the most devoted of citizens, place upon myself and on every beat of my heart service to the Italian people. I proclaim myself their servant. I feel that all Italians understand aad love me; I know that Ire is loved who leads without wenk-

nesses, without deviation, and with disinterest and full faith. “Therefore, going over what I have already done, I know that Fascism, being a creation of the Italian race, has met and will meet historical necessities, and so unconquerable is destined to give its indelible impression to the twentieth century of history.’’