POLITICAL.
[By Telegraph.] [from •ub special correspondent.] Wellington, May 17. THE NEW HEBRIDES. The inventors of rumours having declared there is nothing more to invent, and the tellers of fables having ostentatiously bid farewell to their art, we felt this morning that a slow day was before us. During the afternoon it is suddenly made matter of whisper among the usually better informed, that Sir George Grey has made up his mind as to his point of attack. All this talk about the Native question was, it seems, if the whisper is true, a feint, —a thing very generally employed by able commanders to hide their real intentions. Several old members have been led away by the feint, but still have been steadily arguing, during the last two days, that the only exception to the colourless plausibilities of the S, is the reference to the Native question. “He says too much;” then “Mr Ballance and the Government have gone too far;” “the Native Minister has been making some very injudicious promises,” and a variety of other expressions, may be heard any morning in the course of half au hour’s walk. They all lead up to the mysterious climax, “ Things are not what they seem,” and then comes a horrible wink profound, mysterious and comprehensive, prophetic, fearfully patriotic, and pathetically virtuous. Can it be possible, after all, that there will be a Maori rising, and that we shall all be murdered in our beds P This attractive picture, however, is apparently not the Grey platform. . The real point of attack selected by that ever-alert veteran —commander as yet I cannot call him —is, I hear, the New Hebrides question. This is surprising, even to those who know Sir George Grey’s opinion that the New Hebrides, having once been included within the boundaries of New Zealand, must ever remain a portion of this Colony. If it is true, it is a high tribute paid by a man of considerable experience to the weight of the Presbyterian influence in our politics. The attack, however, is, from what I hear in a well-informed quarter, if directed at all, likely to be directed at a point entirely outside the political situation. Yesterday you published two cable messages, both from Reuter, about the New Hebrides ; one of these was to the effect that the Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs informed the House of Commons, in reply to a question, that the Government had practically agreed to the French proposals, stipulating for a protectorate rather than an annexation. The other informed the public that on the previous day, in the House of Lords, the Foreign Secretary had told a questioner that the Government were waiting for the advice of the Colonies. There is some reason to believe that both these items are correct—that, in fact, they mean that the British Government has found the Colonial advice contradictory, and one side of it impracticable, and has arranged, or decided to arrange, with France without any more ado. This being the case, the New Hebrides question is removed from our practical politics. The Premier’s memorandum to the Rev T. R. Cairns was the announcement of advice to be given by the Government only with the concurrence of the Presbyterian body. It now turns out, apparently, that the thing to be advised upon has been decided. Thus the attack of Sir G. Grey, being an attack on Ministerial opinion, which cannot be followed by Ministerial action, becomes an attack delivered outside the political situation. Prom this I should conclude that Sir George may determine not to have anything to do with the New Hebrides and the Presbyterian influence. THE ADDRESS IN REPLY. For tbe moment, it looks as if there may be a prolonged debate. I hear from fresh members, who keep on arriving, the theory of this matter. “ The Governor’s Speech,” they say, “is very well, let it be as vague as you like. What the Address in Reply is for is not the Speech at all; it is for the recess. We want to say what we think about the recess.” The member for Sydenham, Mr Taylor, has made a good impression on the Ministerialists. They say he is “ a very sensible fellow, of a capital stamp. There’s a lot in him. He is one of those independent men who see for themselves, and make up their minds accordingly.” The Opposition is not so outspoken, except as to the latter point. The Opposition hopes that “ a fellow who endorses vagueness will endorse anything definitely good that may follow.” Mr Gladstone approved of most of the speech which Lord Salisbury had put into the mouth of our Gracious Sovereign, yet Mr Gladstone overthrew Lord Salisbury’s Government. Mr Taylor approves the vague outline of the policy which Mr Stout has given. Why should not Mr Taylor vote against Mr Stout’s Government? . MEASURES FOR THE SESSION. I hear of great preparation in the Mining Department. There is in preparation a grand Consolidation Bill, affecting gold and other minerals. Coal is to have special attention in the shape of a Bill repealing the Act of 1874, and making noie extended provision for the safety and proper direction of mining work. The Mining •■Companies are also once more to run the gauntlet of legislation.
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Bibliographic details
Lyttelton Times, Volume LXV, Issue 7862, 18 May 1886, Page 5
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880POLITICAL. Lyttelton Times, Volume LXV, Issue 7862, 18 May 1886, Page 5
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