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MR. MOORHOUSE AT TIMARU.

(From the Timaru Herald, Feb. 16.) On Monday evening last Mr. Moorhouse again met the electors of Timaru, at the new Assembly Room, Royal Hotel, but on account of the short notice given there were only about 100 persons present. J. Inglis, Esq. was voted to the chair and briefly intro luced Mr. Moorhouse. Mr. Moorhouse said some time ago two other gentlemen and himself had started as candidates for the presently vacant office of Superintendent. They had all made tours through the province, and for himself he might say he had met with a good amount of support. Mr. Lance and himself had compared notes and they found Mr. Travers in a minority. Mr. Travers came to Timaru, and during liis journey from Christchurch had conceived, digested, and brought forth a scheme for the salvation of the province. Out of the fertility of his brain had been developed a scheme, which, however it might startle himself, was discussed in all its bearings, twelve years since, and rejected by the province. Mr. Travers was not a Canterbury man, he was a Nelson man, and could not find time to wade through all the records of the past, and was somewhat imperfectly acquainted with the history of the province. The present land system had been in operation for the' last twelve years with the greatest amount of success. He (Mr. Moorhouse) would lay claim to some attention, for he was an old public servant. It had fallen to his lot to cast about for revenue in every direction, but he always thought it would be impolitic and unjust in those days to interfere with the land regulations. At that time the three million loan had not been raised, neither had the provincial loans. It would now be unjust to tamper with the securities of the public creditor. He believed that the General Government would never allow such an alteration, and the public creditor would also object, lie would not say of his friend Mr. Travers's scheme—as that gentleman had said of him in reference to floating the debentures at par—that he looked upon it with contempt, but he would say it was rather thoughtless. It was very entertaining and resembled a French novel, because it was so extremely improbable, (laughter ) Mr. Travers proposed to make a bold line of demarcation, and sell land on the one side at £1 per acre, and on the other at £3 per acre. The money raised on one part he proposed to spend on the other (applause.) The base of the hills in many parts was shingle, and some of the best landof the province in the valleys would be open for sale at £1 per acre. If the scheme were carried out how much land would be sold ? What squatter could buy his run ? If he (Mr. Moorhouse) were a squatter, and selfish, he would, immediately the price was altered make such selections as would make the run almost as good as freehold, and this could be accomplished at a small cost (applause) This would be the effect of Mr. Travers's scheme. A great deal might be said upon this part of the policy, but if he might be allowed the expression, the proposal was utterly childish. It would be asked of him (Mr Moorhouse) how he proposed to raise the revenue [Hear) He proposed to introduce capital into the province by giving the squatters the extended leases which had just been offered to them. If there was security offered to the sheepfarmer, there would be no difficulty ip inducing capitalists to advance money. This would relieve the merchants, who were now straining their credit to the utmost to help the sheepfarmers and diverting the capital from its legitimate channel. The sheep-farmer was necessary to the very existence of the province. What did the exports consist of but wool ? (Hear.) If no extended leases were granted to the sheep-farmers, the effect would be that the merchant would gradually withdraw his capital, so as to have a square account with the squatter at the time of the falling in of the leases, and if no security were offered, no further advance would be made. The sheep-farmers, as a class, were very poor, and many of them only just able to jog alang. He (Mr. Moorhouse) believed that another loan company was about to be started in London, which would introduce capital into the province, and there were two already in Canterbury which had brought a large amount of capital into the country. These companies would relieve the squatter and the country, if any security was given to the sheep farmers. (Mr. Moorhouse then spoke against the law being abused in reference to pre-emptive rights, and referred to rumours which were in circulation.) He hoped in a year to see commercial activity restored, and he believed it would be, provided that the General Government did not go on expending money in cutting throats and burning gunpowder. He thought that quite £750,000 might be introduced into the province through the loan companies; and this could be done without lessening the securities of the country. Mr. Travers proposed to raise a million of money by selling a m lion acres of land. He (Mr, Moorhouse) had been charged with benefiting the squatters, but he really did not care for them, for nearly the whole of them weregoingto vote against him; but the squatter was an animal that must be cared for. (Laughter.) It had been asked why the squatters were not charged more for their leases. He (Mr. Moorhouse) believed that they could not afford to pay more. Ha objected to the system of challenging. But he would remind them that it would be folly to kill the goose to get the golden egg. The best thing they could do was to let things alone. He could not promise to supply the town of Timaru with water, or to make a harbour, because such works could not be done without money; and he understood that the province had overdrawn its account at the banker's to something like £100,000. He would, however, if elected, try and get the. railway down to Timaru as quickly as possible. He thought he could feel the trembling of some vested interest in the matter; but he could assure them they would find the advantage in receiving and shipping their goods. After several questions had been put and replied to, Mr. Cardale briefly moved, and Mr. Turnbull seconded the following resolution :— " That this meeting, while approving of Mr. Moorhouse as a fit and proper person to act as Superintendent, expresses its intention of separating, at the earliest moment, from the rest of the province." Mr. Simpson moved as an amendment, and Mr. Ellis seconded, the following resolution : —" That this meeting has heard and cordially approves of the views expressed by Mr. Moorhouse, and consider him to be a fit and proper person to fill the office of Superintendent for this province, and at the same time thank him for his kindness in again meeting the electors of this district."

On being put to the meeting it was found that there were 22 in favour of the amendment and 16 Hgainst it. The remainder present, about 70 persons, did not vote at all. Mr. Moorhouse briefly returned thanks. After the usual vote of thanks to the chairman the meeting separated. MR. MOORHOUSE AT ARROWENUA. Mr. Mookhouse met the electors of this district according to appointment, in the Crown Hotel, on Tuesday, February 20. Mr. Hayhurst, M.P., was voted to the chair. After cautioning the Electors to weigh well the abilities and fitness of the different candidates for the Superintendency, and to decide without fear or favour to vote for the gentleman they believed would best serve the interests of the province, he introduced Mr. Moorhouse to j the meeting. Mr. Moorhouse, who on rising was loudly cheered, expressed the pleasure it gave him to see so many present,'especially as the bills announcing the meeting had miscarried. He then went into the various subjects of public interest. Among others, the scheme proposed by Mr. Travers, pointing out to the meeting the various difficulties in the way of carrying it out, and the possibility of a great part of the sums to be derived from the sale of the runs, being returned in the shape of compensation to the squatters, instead of being devoted to make railways and bridges, even should the consent of the public creditors be got to sell the land, which he believed would not be the case. Mr. Moorhouse also justified the part he had taken in suggesting an increased tenure of the runs to the squatters, he said he had had no hand in legislating on the subject; yet, without expressing approval of the details, he cordially agreed with the principle involved in the act. At the close of his address Mr. Megson asked Mr. Moorhouse if he would employ the labour to be had in the province, in carrying on the public works contemplated. He (Mr. Megson) had had a good deal to do with railways; he had had a hand in making the Victorian railway and if that railway could pay 4| per cent, on the large capital expended upon it, he could not see why a railway through the Canterbury plains, would not pay a fair per centage upon the comparatively small outlay. Mr. Moorhouse said he would employ labour to be had in the province as far as in his power, and for the advantage of the public at large; but there would be some materials which it would be advisable to send to England for. Mr. Menderson said that Mr. Moorhouse had stated at a former meeting that we must creep before we can walk, but he (Mr. M.) thought Mr. Moorhouse was for walking all at once; his scheme for making a railway was like growing into a full man in four years. He believed railways for so small a population would not pay, but he approved of manufactures being established in the province as being a means of keeping the capital of the country at home. Mr. Moorhouse stated that he did not base his calculations for making railways on the present limited population, but upon a fair and justifiable calculation of a large increase. Mr. W. Hornbrook asked Mr. Moorhouse if he would approve of spending £150,000 in making a breakwater at Timaru. Mr. Moorhouse replied that the wants of Timaru could be supplied for a considerably smaller sum, he did not approve of expending enormous sums of money where the wants of the province could be met for a comparatively smaller outlay. Mr. A. Wilson said he rose to make a few remarks. He stated that it was not necessary for him to tell the meeting that he was a warm supporter of Mr. Moorhouse, the resolution he had moved at Mr. Lance's meeting, was sufficient proof of that; he (Mr.W.) told the meeting he had never spoken to Mr. Moorhouse till last week, or never received or asked any favour from that gentleman, they could not therefore ascribe the part he had taken to any selfish motive, but because he was the fittest person to guide the affairs of the province. He did not forget that the electors at Mr. Travers's meeting passed a vote of thanks to that gentleman in which he heartily joined; he (Mr. W.) must confess he was much pleased with his scheme, as offering a ready means for making railways and bridges which the agriculturists of this district so much require; but after more fully considering the compensation part of it, his hopes of good from it had been considerably lessened. He (Mr. M.) said we had had enough of compensation business, both with the Provincial and the General Governments, and he could not get over this oostacle in the way of carrying out the scheme. He then moved the following resolution:—" That this meeting is of opinion that Mr. Moorhouse is a fit and proper person to be Superintendent of this province." The resolution being seconded by Mr. W. Hornbrook, was put to the meeting, and carried unanimously. A vote of thanks to the chairman terminated the proceedings.

MR. BUCKLEY AND THE HEATHCOTE ELECTORS.

A meeting, called by Mr. Buckley, took place on Feb. 15, at the Avonside Schoolhouse, to hear a further exposition of his views, as a candidate for the Heathcote district in the General Assembly; Mr. Hall, Mr. W. Wilson, and about 25 other persons were present; Mr. Cottrell was called to the chair. After some preliminary discussion, as to whether the meeting should proceed, as there were so few persons present, Mr. Buckley said he had asked to meet the electors to explain his views as a candidate for the General Assembly. The next session would be a very important one, and among other things the Maori difficulty would be discussed ; he believed it arose from the land question, and might be settled. The Government had been in the habit of buying land at Is, and selling for 15s; a system which the Maoris would not submit to. The Native Lands Act was passed two or three sessions ago, but it had not been put in force. It enabled the land to be bought direct from the Maoris, and if it were carried put it would give the Maoris such an interest in the country, that they would be peaceable and orderly. In Hawkes Bay, where there was a large number of natives, no disturbance had taken place, because there the Europeans had leased lands from the natives. This land question required settlement, or the Maoris would always give trouble, whether friendly or ho stile. The origin of the present war was the occupation of the Waitara block. He believed that if peace was proclaimed, and the land question settled, the Maori difficulty would be at an end in a few months. With the regard to the separation of the two islands, he believed that the time had arrived for effecting it, owing to the conflicting interests of the two islands. Some five or six years ago, Mr. Sewell suggested separation to put an end to the Maori difficulties, and there was equal if not greater necessity for it now. He saw some probability of the separationists having a majority in the Assembly. And if any scheme was brought forward favourable to Canterbury he would support it, if not, he would oppose it. There were some objections against separation, among others, that it would be better for New Zealand to remain one large country. It should be recollected that New Zealand was a dependency, and that it mattered little whether it were two dependencies or one. A colony could be divided, if proper representations were made to the Home Government, and the debts could be adjusted as had been done in Victoria, New South Wales, and Queensland. He would say with regard to the three million loan that their representatives had done wrong in assenting to it. They should have seen that it was impossible to carry it out with advantage, and should have protested against it even though in a minority. The loan had not put an end to the war. The changes which had taken place lately rendered it impossible to predict what would take place in the political world. It was doubtful now whether Auckland or Otago would join together in their views, but Mr. Stafford had made such concessions to the Auckland people that certainly they would

support him. He had given them the confiscated lands, and had proposed to give them a further loan. There "were other considerations, which made it doubtful whether Mr. Stafford would not have a majority in the next Assembly. He regretted to see jealousies existing between Otago and this province, for their interests were identical. He thought they should join together, or they would be at the mercy of some of the other provinces. With regard to the taxes of the colony, he thought the Customs might very well be revised, if not reduced, at an early period. If the Stamp Duties were really necessary, he should vote for them on the understanding that they should be done away at the earliest possible period. With regard to Income Tax, he was opposed to it on several grounds ; it was not only difficult to collect, but it would prevent the coming in of capital and labour. He had been told that „he should have withdrawn in favour of Mr. Hall for this district, in consideration of his past services. He had been first in the field, and he thought he could ask their votes on the same grounds. He had noticed two things in Mr. Hall's public conduct, a desire to get office, and a desire to serve his own interest. At one time Mr. Hall was a member of the Government for a week in the General Assembly, which led to his being made a Resident Magistrate, and appointed a member of the Upper House, but now he was not satisfied with that, he wished to go into the Lower House. He would mention the Ferry road drain affair ; the compensation for that to Mr. Hall was stated at the time to be nothing less than a robbery on the public chest. He would mention another thing, that was the purchase of land for the Southern Kailway, simply because it was Mr. Hall's. He would now allude to the West Coast Road, for which Mr. Hall had taken a great deal of credit. He believed that it had been made at a most lavish and unnecessary expense. These and other works were gone on with—> the Government overdrew its account £100,000, and then Mr. Hall deserted the province, by resigning his post,and doing nothing to remedy the present state of things. He had no object in going into the Assembly, but as having an interest in the province. And if he should be returned, he would do all in his power to serve them. (Applause.) An Elector asked whether it was right to blacken an opponent's character with the view of gaining the suffrages of the Electors. Mr. Buckley replied that he had criticised Mr. Hall's public acts, which he was perfectly justified in doing. In reply to a further question. Mr. Buckley said that the differences of the interests of the two Islands arose principally from the Maori population being in one and not in the other. Mr. Foley asked Mr. Buckley what he meant by a separation, fair and equitable to the province of Canterbury. Mr. Buckley replied that he meant that Provincial Government should still be continued, and that the money of the Middle Island should not be taken away to be spent in the North. Mr. Hall said that Mr. Buckley had uttered coarse and unmitigated slanders against him. and had stated what was untrue with reference to his public character. Mr. Buckley had charged him with being a seeker of office, but he had not proved it. It was true he had taken office in the General Government once, but it was with a weak one, and he was only in office a week. It was true also that he had been made Resident Magistrate, but that was not by the General Government, but by the Superintendent of this province, and he had taken the position reluctantly. He had also taken office with the present Provincial Government, but it was at the special request of the Superintendent, and he had only taken office for a certain time. He had also been made a Legislative Councillor, but he had not much bettered his position by it. With regard to the Ferry Boad drain, he would refer them to a letter he wrote to the Lijttelton Times in Dec., 1862 ; he answered attacks on him at that time, stating that he had given the Government the choice of compensating him or of repairing the damage done to his property by the drain. With regard to the Railway, it,, had been laid out on his land before he came into office, and the position of the stations was marked out by a commission consisting of Mr. Doyne, Mr. Dobson, and Mr. Cass. And with respect to compensation, it was left to independent arbitration. It was true that the engineers were now wanting more of his land, but he would leave the compensation to be settled by the next administration. Mr. Buckley said he had not been guilty of any discourtesy, for he had made these statements before Mr. Hall's face, so that he might have an opportunity of speaking to them. Mr. Hall then quoted an anonymous advertisement asking him certain questions in the Lyttelton Times. He had not deserted the province, for the Government had made arrangements with the bank respecting the overdraft. It could not be said with any truth that he had resisted the just claims of the West Coast. Mr. Hall then referred to the Grey River Coal Company. He had obtained a Crown grant for it, and introduced a bill for leasing it, which was referred to a Select Committee. That Committee after examining Mr. Buckley recommended the lease on certain conditions. These conditions were objected to, but although he had begged that the promoters of the company should propose some modifications, none were proposed. The consequence was that, as he saw no chance of coming to any agreement, he had allowed the bill to drop. He did not care to go into these personal matters, but he was compelled in consequence of the unfair attacks made on his character by his opponents. Mr. Hall then made some remarks on separation, and said that he hoped to meet the electors next Thursday. (Applause.) Mr. Buckley said that he had carried on his eleetion in no underhand, unfair, or ungentlemanly manner ; and that he had alluded to Mr. Hall's public acts before his face, and not behind his back. Mr. Buckley then referred to the treatment which the Grey River Coal Company had received from the Government. He had given his evidence before the committee, and shewn that it would be absurd to expect £30,000 to be paid up in one year's time, or to expect the company to be in working order in two years. He had also fully explained his views in the Council, so that Mr. Hall must have known what the company wanted. When the bill was dropped by Mr. Hall, he (Mr. Buckley) could not take it up, for the Speaker had said it could not be done. What he complaiucd of in Mr. Hall was, that after bringing forward resolutions he prevented the Council from giving ail opinion on them. Mr. Hall had admitted all the facts on which he (Mr. Buckley) grounded the charges he had brought against him, the only difference between them was the inferences they drew from those facts. (Applause). . A vote of thanks was then given to Mr, Buckley, Mr. Hall, and the Chairman, and the meeting dispersed. Heathcote Election. — Mr. Hall addressed a meeting of upwards of 150 of the electors of Heathcote on the 22nd ult., at Mr. Martin's shop, Hereford Street, as a candidate for the representation of the district in the next General Assembly. Mr. Mountfort took the chair. Mr. Hall said that he had invited Mr. Buckley to be present, in order that the electors might hear both sides. The great question for the people of Canterbury to consider was that of Separation. It had been said that it was from ambitious motives that the leading men desired the unity of the colony to be preserved, but it might be said on the other side that the Separationists were influenced by similar motives in their views Mr. Hall then brought forward various arguments against the movement. He was opposed to Mr. Stafford, and should certainly do his utmost to turn him out of office, as he had obtained it by violent and unconstitutional means. Mr. Buckley, the rival candidate for the suffrages of the electors, differed from him on the question of Separation, but that gentleman had also introduced personal matters into the contest. Mr. Hall then read the reports in the Lyttelton Times and other papers, of the charges made against him the other evening by Mr.Buckley at the Roadside School house, and proceeded to answer them. Mr. Hall also proceeded to answer certain charges brought against him in an anonymous

advertisement. He then referred to his conduct with respect to the Grey River Coal Bill, and said that Mr. Buckley's conduce with respect to that bill showed his ignorance Of parliamentary proceedings, and his consequent null ness t» s.t in the Assembly. He also contended that Mr. Buckley was ignorant of the history of New Zealand. An elector asked Mr. i.all whether he thought it just, wise, or right, to raise revenue out of intoxicating' liquors, which were the cause of so much crime and misery. Mr. llall replied that he thought those were just the things which should be most highly taxed. In reply to another question by the same el-ctor, Mr llall said that he was much impressed with the evils ciuse I by intoxicating liquors, and would lie gl >d to have them moderated. In reply to another question asking why he bad voted for a Separationist at Kaiapoi, Mr. Hall replied that he had no vote in that district. Mr. Buckley then addressed the meeting, commenting on Mr. Hall's remarks. He contended that he was conducting his canvass in a fair and proper manner. It was most unfair of Mr. Hall to cast any blame on him for the dropping through of the Grey River Bill ; any blame in the matter was wholly due to Mr. Hall. Mr. Buckley then spoke on this bill at some length. The remarks he had made with reßpeet to Mr. Hall were about hii public character, which was fairly open to criticism, and were made in Mr. Hall's presence, as it was said that he (Mr. Hall) had cla : ms on the Heathcote district on account of his public service*. It was a fact, which Mr. Hall could not deny that he was a member of the Railway Commission which selected a station on his land, although be might not have been one of there who chose the land for stations. Mr. Buckle} then spoke on the Ferry road drain matter stating that the Government had been en trapped into an arbitration, and that these arbitrations should be put a stop to, as Go vernment was robbed right and left by them He then commented on some of tin observations which had fallen from Mr Hall, answering hi* remarks agains Sepiration. He would ask Mr. Hal whether he had resigned his seat ye in the Legislative Council, because In represented Canterbury there and if h resigned, it was not to be expected that Mr Stafford would appoint a Canterbury man In conclusion Mr. Buckley said that if eleetei he would be able to give his whole time tu thedut'cof his position ; but if anything should occur in subsequent sessions to prevent him from doing so, lie would be happy t) place his resignation in the hands of the electors. Mr. Hall said a few words in rep'y to Mr. Buckley, stating that lie had had some years experience in the General Assembly, and was of opinion that he could do more service to the province in the Lower than the Upper House. After a few remarks from Mr. Jebson and Mr. Cowlishaw, the following resolution was put to the mpeting : '' That this meeting desires to record the strongest disapproval of any attacks being made upon the character or conduct of the public men of the colony, unless those attacks are borne out by facts." The show of hands for and against, were pretty nearly equal, but the chairman declared it carried. After a vote of thanks to the chairman, the meeting separated.

HEATHCOTE NOMINATION.

\ The nomination of canlidatea to represent i the Heathcote district in the next General Assembly, took place at noon, on Feb. 28, in | fro it of the Heathcote Road Board office, on the Ferry road. Dr. Dosald, the Returning Officer, having read his authority, called on the electors ■ present to choose a gentleman to represent them. Mr. Reeves came forward to propose a candidate to represent the district in the General Assemb y. He said that in doing so lie found til nself met with some preliminary difficulties which it would be as well to clear away b-f >re proceeding to business. He had been given tJ understand, proh.tbly in j >ke, •that he must look on himself as an interloper in coming forward to propose a candidate. He had been told thac that duty in the Heathcote district was the prescriptive right of a gentleman then present; he alluded to Mr. \V. Wilson, t-oine friends had observed to him that it was a pity that his candidate could not get Mr. Wilson to propose him, as then he would stand a better chance He felt that he stood at a great disndvantage compared to Mr. Wilson ; his political experience was very small; lie had never had the piesure before of proposing or seconding a candidate, or of being returned by a constituency. So far was he from being able to bid adieu to one consti uency and make overtures to the metropolitan constituency that lie doubted whether he should lie retu neil, if he were to set up for the smallest district; he stood there by 110 prescriptive right, hut as an elector, and he challenged any such right; if it whs translated into plain language, it meant that some person or persons thought that they had a right to nominate some one to represent the district; he might safely say that the electors of Heathcote would object to such a claim, and would scorn any such attempt to deprive them of their liberties a id privileges. He would now come to another point; he found there was also a prescriptive right to the representation of the district; lie found Mr. Hall stating in unmistakeible language that he had 11 ruht to represent the district; that alleged rulit should be looked into, and if it existed, he*would be the last to deny it; he found that Mr. Hall had represented the district in the earlier days of the province; Mr. Hall had b- j en a public man, and filled a variety of offices; he had baen at different times Provincial Secretary, Resident Magistrate, and Secretary of Puhlij Work*, and had been very well paid; he (Mr.Reeves) would not enter now into any of the incidental advantages that Mr. Hall had derived from his connection with the province ; he (Mr. lieeves) had resided several years in the province, and after c tiling to mind Mr. Hall's career, could not find that he had any prescriptive right to represent the district. He consequently thought that he was perfectly right in proposing Mr. Buckley, and that that gentleman was quite justified in coming forward. Though he could not find that there was any p escriptive right for Mr. Hall to represent the district, he saw a good many reasons why Mr. Hall should not represent it. Mr. Hall had already a ee it in the General Assembly in the Legislative Council, where he had been of much use, but some fancy of his, or more probtbly some ambition, urged him to seek a seat in the Lower House; a gentleman of Mr. Hall's own party was of opinion that members representing Canterbury in the Upper House should retain their 6eats, or the strength of the party there would be diminished in the ensuing session, which would be a most important one. Mr. Lance had issued an address to the electors of Ashley to that effect, and the same consideration would apply to Mr. Hall. If he went into the Lower House, it would give Mr. Stafford the opportunity of putting a nominee in his place, who would certainly not be a representative of Cantrburv. It was scarcely necessary for him (Mr. Reeves) to say anything about the present state of aff lirsin the colony; four or five years ago it was in a most flourishing state, and now the reverse was the case, owing to bad management 011 the part of its rulers. In this crisis the qualities of a representative should be considered. (A Voice-" Yes, we want a clever man.") He would maintain that Mr. Buckley had proved himself an exceedingly clever man ; his political career would compare favourably with that of tiny man in the Provincial Council; he hadalways spoken to the point, and his arguments had carried conviction with them. Men were wanted at this time acquainted with the finance of the colony, not sucking politicians, for the placi was overdone with them, but men prepare 1 to defend the interests of the country, who understood the meaning of tbe word " pfiy. v " If lie might judge from the past - of many of the representatives of VtW province, they had 110 idea what this word meant. While party squabbles were going on, their Northern friends, who were exceedingly acute on this subject, were quietly letting them in for heavier and heavier liabilities. He was quite sure that Mr. Buckley had no party interests to serve ;

he was not a professed politician, but was coming forward because he had a large Btake in Canterbury, and was . determined to protect the province, and see that it was not further taxed to carry on a mischievous mid useless war, and tnat its land fund was preserved in its'int< grity. He would say again that Mr. Hall was a most useful membjr in the Leg sl.itive Council ; irreverent people had compared that body to a set of Did women ; he c >uld only say that Mr. Hall's qualifications were exactly suited for stirring up old women (Liuuhter); but, if Mr. Hail was so misguided as - to wish to leave the Upper House, he (Mr. Reeves) trusted that his (Mr. Hall's) friends would interfere, and by a little foicible kindness keep him where he was." In conclusion, Mr. Reeves formally proposed Mr. Buckley. (Applause.) Mr. VVm. Day said he had much pleasure in seconding Mr. Reeves's proposition. Mr. Buckley did not come before them with the same advantages, if they were advantages, as his opponent. He (Mr. Buckley) did not refer to services lie had done to the province, while Mr. Hall did, but if those services had been valuable, they had at the same time been profitable to some persons. Mr. Hall's friends would have done better to have borne witness to those services instead of waiting to be told of them. Mr. Buckley was a man of thoroughly independent character, was totally unbiassed by party feeling, and was specially qualified by his past experience to look after the interests of the district; he had therefore much pleasure in seconding the nomination of Mr. Buckley. (Applause.) Mr. W. Wilson then came forward to propose Mr. J. Hall to represent the district. He said that during an experience of some ten or twelve years in proposing candidates for various offices, he had never before known a person to display such bad taste as Mr. Reeves had, by attacking the proposer of a rival candidate. Mr. Reeves had t&lked of little else but prescriptive rights, and if he left that word at home, or if it were lopped out of his speech, it would be found to be one of a very me limn character. The manner in which. Mr. lJuck'ey's canvassing had bee i carried on, and the way in which lie had been proposed and seconded were exactly of a piece throughout. The advertisement iu the Lyttelton Times, of which Mr. Reeves was a worthy representative, had made personal attacks on Mr. Hall, who had confined himself mainly to defending his own reputation —a reputation which he (Mr. Wilson) was proud to say needed no defence. In reply to Mr. Reeves, he would say that he had never asserted for himself any prescriptive right to propose any one but did so only as having a large interest in the district. Mr. Wilson then said that it would ba quite unnecessary for him to enlarge on the merits of Mr. John Hall, as they were so well known, and concluded by proposing him as a fit person to represent the district. (Applause.) Mr. Parrish said he had great pleasure in seconding this motion, because he believed Mr. J. Hall to be the most fit and proper person to represent them, of that district —or any other district (a laug i). He believed Mr. Hall to be a clever power iu politics, and the best place to send him to was the General Assembly, where he would have to stand against all provinces of .New Zealand to see his own country righted. In the newspapers, a great deal ot flour had been thrown against Mr. Hall for overcoming his own Government, and getting somewhere about .£550 for the drain over the road. Where were the gentlemen iu the House when tint was given ? Was it Mr. Hall's fault that he asked for the money, or the fau't of the gentlemen who let him have it? Whit was the use of talking and spoutug ? Mr. Hall had been able to overcome the Council, when they conside/ed that they had put the most long-headed, cleverest fellows into it; and if he had been ahle to do that, why should he not be able to take his own part, and his (Mr. Parrish's) too in the General Assembly ? (Laughter.) He would not waste their tune or his own breath any further, hut conclude by seconding Mr. Hall's nomination. Dr. Donald, the Returning Officer, said that if there was no other candidate to be proposed, and the two alrealy proposed wished to address the electors, they could now have an opportunity. Mr. Buckley then came forward and said that he had offered himself as a candidate at the request of a great number of the electors, and that he had coma forward connected with no party. The colony indeed was in such a critical state, that it would be very wrong for any one to go in pledged to any particular party ; so far, however, as the present ministry of Mr. Stafford was concerned, he had n > doubt that if not ousted, it would be very much altered, and if it, or any Ministry brought forward a p >licy, of which he could approve, he would support it. He thought party feelings in the General Assembly should be put aside, for unless concessions we.-e made on one side or the other, the result w.iul 1 be as it had been, that no Ministry would be afre to retain office for any length of time. In his opinion, the prese it depressed state of the colony was in a great measure, almost chiefly, owing to the mismanagement of the General Government, and unless matters were altered, that depression would increase. Their members were not wholly free from blame in past years ; instead of mixing themselves up in party disputes, they should have looked to the interests of the Middle Island, and have checked the war expenditure g >in* on ; he was one of those who was of opinion that this war might have been a* erted; the war, as they all knew, was to a great extent mixed up with the land question between Maoris and Europeans, and until it was settled there would be constant disturbances. Mr. Buckley thenspokeafew words on the subject of separation, liven during the short time which had taken place since he first came bsfore them as a candidate, the movement had made rapid strides, for now men of nearly all parties were going in for it in some shapa or other. One view was to separate the Middle from the Northern Island; another was to extend the powers of Provincial Governments and make the General Government almost a myth (he was going to say), having only aFe leral control. He thought there wer j grave olije itions to this extension of power and would prefer the other plan. Both these plans would come under discussion next session, aud he believed that not many would be found to prefer the latter plan, but that they would rather, as an alternative, accept the former. Mr. Buckley then referred to the subject of taxation. As to the Customs Tariff, it might be revised and many of the duties lowered with advantage. At present, the duties on some articles, were almost prohibitory, and if they were lowered the revenue would not be diminished. As to Stamp duties, if the money was really required, he would not oppose them; but at the same time, if they were enforced, he was of opinion that they should be treated as Customs. and that three-eighths of them should be apportioned to the provinces Mr. Buckley then referred to the matter in dispute between him and Mr. Hall, about the Grey River Coal Company Bill. He would now leave this matter ; he had been in the province 8 or 9 years and had seen temporary depressions from over speculation, but never one like the present, which was likely to increase every day and cause great stagnation and distress. In conclusion Mr. Buckley said that if he was returned, lie would be able to give up the whole of his time next session to his duties as a member; and if he should not he able after that, he would at once resign, but at all events he would do all in his power to protect their interest in the next session of, the Assembly. (Applause.) Mr. Hall then addressed the assembly; he said that so far their proceedings had been rather dull; perhaps they had better be enlivened a little. (Mr. Hall then stuck up a cartoon, amid some laughter, which had been published the same morning.) Here was a cartoon which, he supposed, an anonymous advertisement would say, came from his supporters, and showed what weapons his opponents were driven to—" Fighting Johnny, our noble patron !"—He thought Mr. Wilson had pretty well <Inpo ed of Mr. Reeves and the prescriptive right he had t >ld them about, lie would leave the electors to jydge whctlu r he ever claimed anv such right ? Ile had never disputed the elector's privilege to' return whom they pleased. (The cartoon was here blown

down by the wind.) (A voice, " The cartoon is no go.") In reply to the observations made by Mr. Reeves, he would say there was a doubt whether a member of the Upper House was eligible for election in the Lower House, and he had therefore sometime ago tendered his resignation of his seat in the Legislative Uounuil to the 'Governor, and lie had accepted it. Mr. Reeves had made another blunder in saving that his leaving the Upp.T House, would give Mr. Stafford, an opportunity of appointing a man adverse to Oantei bury. The number of members in the Uppjr Home was not limited and even if lie had stuck to Ids seat, Mr. Stafford might have appiinted twenty additional members, and it was not incumbent on Mr. Stafford on his (Mr. Hall's) leaving his seat to appoint any one in his place. Mr. lteeves had made another blunder in referring to Mr. Buckley's political career. This was the first time he (Mr. Hall)*ever heard that he (Mr. Buckley) had a political career. He (Mr. Hall) was no party man; he was not wedded to any particular party, but he did not think it unwise for any man to do that without which no Government could be carried on— to sacrifice minor differences for the sake of great principles. If Mr. VVeld had not retired from public life, he would have said that he would fellow him ; now he did not know whom he would follow, but he would be happy to follow any one who would carry out the great policy which he had initiated. He might be asked what Mr. Weld's policy was—(a laugh)—and he would tell them. It was to put an end o that mischievous system of double government which had been existing in the colony through the presence of Imperial troops, and to induce the colonists to rely on themselves. (Mr. llall then enlarged on this point.) lie would now refer to the question of separation; Mr. Buckley thought that the time for it had arrived, but he did not. He objected to separation, because it would not relieve them of the debr, because the native difficulties were coming to an end, because it was impracticable, and because it was a short-sighted policy which would endeavour to overcome difficulties by not facing them. The elections showed the feeling agiinst it, for one gentleman only in favour of it had been elected in the province, and that not on account of his separation tendencies, tint in spite of them. The melancholy fate of the Middle Island Association had largely proved the general feeling; it had had a very short existence, for it was now expiring. (A laugh.) It had started very well, and held, he believed, two meetings; then the Christmas holidays prevented another, and then the races, and perhaps now the next meeting was put off, because the elections were not over (a laugh), and when those were over, perhaps it would be put off till the restoration of the Heptarchy (a laugh). The association was not quite dead yet, for it was putting forward Mr. Buckley. It was a shame that the cartoon was only brought out that morning, for he had not had time to get out a counter cartoon. He would have represented Mr. Buckley as being drawn up by a rope round his waist by the members of the Middle Island Association, and a locomotive to represent the railway influence. (Laughter.) They would see that the Middle Island Association would not work, and that the ropj would break. Mr. Hall then referred to charges made against him in an anonymous advertisement, and said that he had called on the author of it to declare himself at several public meetings, but he had not done so. Mr. Hall then referred to certain charges made against him by Mr. Buckley at the Avonside meeting, viz. that he had shown throughout his career a desire to get into office and to serve his own interests, and proceeded to answer them. Mr Hall also referred to the Ferry road drain affair, and to the fact of some of his land having been purchased as a site for a railway station, and defended himself from charges which had been against him witli respect to these matters. Mr. Hail also referred to an attack which had been made or him by Mr. Buckley, in reference to tlu GreyltiverCo.il Company. He then went on to say that he did not look on provincii institutions as heing permanent, but looked forward to the time when in consequence of the increase of population and settlements they would be no longer required. The} should rely now more on local institutions such as City Councils and Road Boards, tlu establishment of which he had promoted Mr. Hall concluded with a few remarks or the great advantage which would accrue ti New Zealand in the future, if it remained one united country. He then said if returned, hi hoped to be able to give a good account of his stewardship. (Applause.) Dr. Donald the R.tuminar Officer callec for a show of hands for the two candidates when 27 were held up for Mr. Buckley am 32 for Mr. H ill. A poll was demanded <« behalf of Mr. Buckley, and t:ie Assembly then dispersed. The polling took place on March 1, at th< Heathcote Road Board Office, Ferry road, an< I at the School-houses in the Lincoln road ant Prebbleton. Some little excitement wai manifested in and about the town during thi day, by supporters of either candidate, and ii was generally considered that Mr. Hall hat the majority of votes in his favour, fo: posters were stuck up during the day, show ing the numbers in the several districts bj the latest accounts, which gave him a clea: advantage over his opponent Mr. Buckley. A 4 o'clock the state of the poll at the Heath cote Road Board Office, was as follows : — Buckley 191 Hall 249 And at six- o'clock, Dr. Donald, the Returning Officer, officially announced the number in the several polling places of the district as follows Buckley. Hall Heathcote Road Boad Office, Ferry Koad 191 ••• 249 Lincoln Road School House... 35 ... 62 Prebbleton School House ... 13 ... 57 239 ... 368 Majority for Hall ... ••• 129 Mr. Hall then made a short speech thanking the electors, and Mr. Buckley also made i speech, thanking his supporters and stating he had laboured under one great disadvantage in advocating separation, but time woult show whether he was right or wrong. Threi cheers were given for Mr. Hall, Mr. Buckley and the Returning officer, after which thi Assembly dispersed. Pelwyn Election.—Ou the 26th ult., Mr E. C. J. Stevens, the only candidate, wai elected member of the House of Representatives, for the Selwyn district. Only a few persons were pre-ent at the election which tool' place at the Road Board office, Leest anc the whole proceedings passed off very quietly

PUBLIC MEETING OF ELECTORS AT WELLINGTON.

On the 23rd ult,, Dr. Featherstone, Capt. Rhodes, and Mr. Taylor, tl/e late members for Wellington in the House of Representatives, met the constituency at the Oddfellows' Hall. We give the chief part of Dr. Eeatherstone's address. His Honor said, after a few introductory remarks, referring to a requisition which had been sent to tlie members:— If I remember rightly, the principal wish expressed by those who signed the requisition was, that 1 should explain how it was that 1 gave such a lukewarm, negative sort of support to the Weld Ministry—how it was that I neither supported them with my voice nor my vote. It would be a sufficient answer to say, that I was absolutely, by ill health, prevented attending the House more than three or four times. But I give no such answer. I will answer your question by telling you plainly and distinctly why, if Iliad been in my place, and been able to take part in the discussions, I neither could nor would have given any active support to the Weld Ministry. I never believed in the cardinal points of their policy —the principles they enunciated ami embodied in their bills were principles which I had ever denounced. There was scarcely a single measure of the slightest important e proposed by them which, to my mind, was not open to grave objections. But, still, I felt that Wellington had received such fairplay at their hands, that I could not have been any party to turning them out. And now, before explaining the cardinal points of their policy on which I disagreed, allow me very briefly to allude to the claims which the Weld Ministry had established to the support of the Wellington members. Sir no one is disposed to award greater praise to my friend Mr. Weld than lam, for his having put prominently forward as one of the conditions on which he was willing to undertake the formation ofa ministry, the immediate removal of the seat of Government to Wellington, and for the firmness with which he effected that removal. And, Sir, if there was in the Assembly one man io whom more than another the colony is indebted for the removal of the seat of Government, it is Mr. FitzGerald, for he was mainly instrumental in carrying the resolution through) the House. Still, to Mr. Weld belongs the credit of its final removal. Then, again, with respect to the Panama Service the Weld Ministry deserve our warmest thanks for losing no time in carryingout the decision of the Assembly, in entering into negotiations with the Australian Colonies, and especially in insisting upon Wellington being maintained as the port of call. But, then, let us do justice, and let us not forget thai in every proposal made during the last twenty or thirty years by various companies and associations for the establishment of the Panama Service, Wellington has, with one exception, been indicated as the New Zealand port of call and departure. Still less ought we forget that weowethe stipulation thai Wellington is, ii the present contract, to be the port of call, solely to Mr. Crosbie Ward who, in spite of positive instructions to th( contrary, made that a condition of his agreement with the then existing company. Thif does not detract from the credit due to the Weld Ministry. I am only anxious that w« should not ignore the still greater services ii this matter of Mr. Crosbie Ward. And, gentlemen, after the experience which members of the General Assembly have already had oi the advantages which Wellington present! for the seat of Government, and which thej will, I trust, shortly have of its advantages as the Panama port of call—l confess I d( not believe it will be in the power of anj Ministry to change either the one or tin other. At any rate I am assured that mj friend Mr. Stafford has not the slightest iu tention or desire to make the attempt. ] come now to the p>licy of the Weld Ministry and I am prepared to challenge every one o you to show that I have ever concurred in iti cardinal points, or, that in respect of them ] have ever conceded or swerved from mj opinions. The cardinal feature of his policj undoubtedly was what was termed self-re liance. Now, what did that mean ? By re ferring to the resolutions that Mr. Wel< submitted to the House immediately afte: he had formed his Ministry, we shal find that it .meant the immediate re moval of all the Imperial forces. The reso lution explaining this so-called self-relian policy as originally submitted to the Hous< was this" That this House, recognizinj the right of the Home Government to insis upon the maintenance of the sys em o i double Government so long as the colony i receiving the aid of British troops for th suppression of internal disturbances, accept the alternative, and requests the Home Go vernment to withdraw the whole of its lam forces from the colony, and to issue sucl instructions to his Excellency the Governo as may enable him to be guided entirely b; the recommendation of his constitution si advisers in nativeas well as in ordinary affairs excepting upon such matters as may directl; concern Imp rial interest-* and the prerogativ of the Crown." Gentlemen, I think you wil agree with me, that if this resolution mean anything, it meant first, that Ministers in sisted upon the immediate withdrawal of th whole of the troops, and, secondly, upon entir Ministerial responsibility being established ii native affairs. I confess, as soon as tlii resolution whs tabled, I was surprised tha men who had repudiated Ministerial respon sibility in native affairs when they migh have insisted on it when responsible Govern ment was first established in 1856, who ha so recently as 186 i refused the Duke of New castle's offer to hand over the entire manage ment of native affairs to them, who actual!; then turned Mr. Fox's Government out oi j that very question, should all at once hav become such converts to the evils of the sys tem of double government, should so suddenl; i have become enamoured of the principle o I Ministerial responsibility in native affairs But, gentlemen, I was still more amazed a the proposal to dismiss during a time of war of a war which threatened to assume largei and larger dimensions, to dispense with th services at a moment's notice of some lo,ooi Imperial troops without having made th slightest provision for supplying their placi with anything like an adequate colonial force Sir, I don't know whether I went to Mi Stafford or whether he came to me. but aftei a consultation we found ourselves so tho roughly agreed as to the absurdity and dange of the policy thus enunciated, that, after ii vain urging Mr. Weld to modify it, wecallei with Mr. Weld's consent, a meeting of his supporters, with the view of testing theii opinion on the question. The meeting wa: most numerously attended, Mr. Stafford beinj in the chair, and a long and animated discus sion took place. It was soon evident that i very large majority of Mr. Weld's supporter were not prepared to swallow his resolution for the immediate withdrawal o: all the troops, but were equally an xious to maintain him in power. T< show how strongly I felt upon this subject, and how determined I was no to be a party to an immediate withdrawal ol the troops, when the question was put. " wha< are you prepared to do in case Mr. Weld re fuses to alter his resolution, and is defeated upon it," I at once said that we h d no rigbi to discuss the matter unless we were preparec to accept the responsibilities of an opposition and to undertake the formal ion of a Government, and that I, rather than be a consenting p irty to such a resolution, would certainly not shrink from that responsibility. I mention these facts simply to *how how strongly I felt on the subject, how fully my mind was made up. The result of this meeting was that a deputation was appointed to wait upon Mr. Weld, with a request that he would alter his resolution in the sense previously indicated to him by Mr. Stafford and myself and adopted by the meeting. Mr. Weld met ua by proposing to substitute for tho resolution embodying the self-reliant policy, this resolution to which we agreed, and which was subsequently passed by the House, and I do earnestly invite your attenti m to rt was "That the resources of New Zealand have been already heavily burdened, and their development retarded by the great sacrifices that have been entailed upon the colony by the native insurrection. That, nevertheless, the colony is resolved to make every further possible effort to place itself in a position of sendefence against internal agression, with a view to accept the alternative indicated by

;lie Home Government, namely—the withIrawal of her Majesty's land forces at f he earliest possible period consistent with the uainlenunco of Imperial interests, and the safety of the colony, thereby enabling the Imperial Government to issue such instructions to his Excellency the Governor as may permit him to be guided entirely by the recommendations of his constitutional advisers in native as well as in ordinary affairs; excepting upon such matters as may directly concern Imperial interests and the prerogative of the Drown." Now, sir, the first resolution embodied Mr. Weld's own policy. Hie second resolution embodied the policy insisted upon by Mr. Stafford and myself and Dthers as the condition of our support. Mr. Weld proposed the immediate withdrawal of all the land forces We protested against their removal until that removal was consistent with the maintenance of Imperial interests and the safety of the colony. Mr. Weld abandoned his first resolution and adopted that which fu''y embodied and endorsed our policy. I abide, and ever have abided by the terms of that resolution. How, then, I be charged with inconsistency, or with failing to give the Weld Ministry the support they were entitled to? But now let us examine the grounds upon which they urged the immediate removal of the troops. Those grounds, as far as I remember, were these —that the troops were not fitted for New Zealand warfare that the colony could not afford to pay the price demanded for them by the Imperial Government —and that upon their withdrawal he should obtain the entire control of all affairs pakeha or native—and should be in a perfectly independent position in all respects of the Imperial Government. Sir, I ever, have demurred to those pleas in favour of the immediate removal of the troops—and I need not say recent events have not altered my objections. [His Honor then spoke of the successes achieved by the army until General Cameron failed to perform his duty.] But the second reason urged by the late Ministry for the immediate removal of the troops was that the colony could not afford to pay the price demanded for tliem by the Imperial Government, Bui who, except the members of that Government, ever dreamt of the colony paying foi them. The Weld Ministry had over and ovei and over again admitted that the wars in which the colony lias been involved have resulted not from the action of the colonists,bui from the action of Her Majesty's representa lives, at a time when the absolute control oi native affairs was in their hands, indepen dently of Responsible Ministers, and wlier their operations have been approved of anc encouraged by the Imperial Government And, sir, I have so entirely concurred in thesi view's of the Weld Ministry that I have neve held any other language than that this colon] was not liable for a single farthing of the ex penses of the wars into which it has beei dragged. Nay, I have always gone mud further, and maintained that this colony hasi fair and equitable claim upon the Imperia Government for a refund of the tw( millions it has already expended on wa purposes. And, sir, I believe that tha claim, if properly urged, will b conceded by the Home Government; that put lie opinion at home will force the Governmen to recognise it; and for these reasons th Governors of the colony, and the colonists have repeatedly pointed out how thi wretched rebellion might be crushed The other plea urged by the Weld Ministr; for the removal of the troops appears to mi equally untenable, and to come with an ex ceedingly bad grace from him and some o his colleagues. I refer to the plea, that a long as troops are retained in the colony, w have no right to claim the management o native affairs. When I remind you tha when Mr. Sewell in 1856 came down to th House with the conditions on which Governo Browne would grant responsible governmenl one of the conditions being that the manage ment of native affairs was to remain in th hands of the Governor, I urged the Hous to reject the conditions, unless native affair were placed equally with all other matter under the control of his advisers ; when remind you that in 1862, 1 urged the Hous to accept the offer then made, both by th Duke of Newcastle and Sir George Grey, t hand over the entire administration of nativ affairs ; and that Mr.Weld and his supporter moved amendments declining the offer, am succeeded in ousting the Fox Ministry you will find some difficulty in believing tha the Weld Ministry were sincere in puttin: forward such a plea for the removal of th troops. But whether they were or were no sincere, will any of them say, tint durin their administration Sir George Grey had no as potential a voice in the management o native affairs as he ever had ? Will the pre sent head of tLe Government say, that if th troops were withdrawn to-morrow, the repre sentative of the Crown would not exercise a much influence in native affairs, as he does a the present moment ? The truth simply isit is impossible and absurd to attempt to de fine the relations between the Governor an his Ministers. Her Majesty's representatiy must ever exercise an important influence i the administration of affairs, whether ordinar, or native. To show how absurd it is to es pect that Governors can be reduced to mer nonentities, I might refer you to the actio taken at various times by the Governors of th Australian colonies. It was only the other da) that the Government of New South Wale resigned, because the Governor refuse the dissolution they asked for ; and a repor is current, that the Governor of Victoria ii likely to be re-called, because he has beei backing his Ministers in strangely illegal am unconstitutional proceedings. But the ab surdity of their plea is made still more mani fest, when you remember, that at the sain time that they urged the immediate with drawal of the troops, they prayed the Horn Government to give the>n an annual grant o between £200,000 and £300,000 for the pay ment of the Colonial Forces. Surely, sir if the Imperial Government was entitled t< interfere because they paid the Imperia troops they would be entitled to interfere i they paid the Colonial Forces. But don't le me be misunderstood. I never have believec that an army of 10,000 was necessary in Nev Zealind. Half the number, or even less, i properly handled, would easily have done tin work before them. I am far from being op posed to a gradual reduction, but I do depre cote the sudden withdrawal of the whole o them, as calculated to induce the native: to persevere in the struggle, and t< rekindle flames well-nigh extinguished Besides, however brilliant have beei the achievements of our Colonial Forcei on the West Coast and on the East, ] don't think it would be either wise or saf< for the colony to rely exclusively upon them And, however trustworthy our native allies have been, still there is undoubtedly daugei in arming them, and their management de pends far too much on personal influence tt justify us in depending solely upon them But, sir, even in a monetary point of view the withdrawal of the troops would be folly for to maintain a body of fifteen hundred colonial forces would cost the colony more than 4000 troops, even if you had to pay £4C a man. I repeat, then, that whether you agree or disagree with me, you cannot accuse me of having in this question failed to give the Weld Ministry any support they had a right to expect from me. But if I disagreed with them on this main point of their policy, I was equally opposed to other parts of it. I have ever been an ultra-provincialist, and still am so. You will remember that when I first contested the election of this city, the difference between me and my opponents was that while I advocated restricting the action of the General Government and Assembly to purely federal matters — the enlarging the powers of the Provincial Governments, and placing at their disposal the largest possible amount of the revenue— they went in for a strong central Government for curtailing the powers of the Provincial Governments with the view of gradually reducing them to mere municipalities. Far from having seen reason to change these views. I have year by year been strengthened and confirmed in them, and I believe that the unity of the colony can only be preserved by carrying them out to the fullest extent. How then could I be expected to gjive a cordial active support to the Weld Ministry, which in every way—in every measure shewed ah urimistakeable desire to constitute at the ex-

pense of the provinces, a strong central Government. If you want proof of this, you liave simply to call to mind the declaration that the Customs revenue ought to have been regarded and treated as purely general revenue—to their proposal to diminish the amount hitherto paid to the provinces, and to repeal the Surplus Revenue Act. It was in fact their centralizing tendency—their antiprovincial policy, which more than anything else lost them the confidence of those who at the commencement of the session were disposed to support them through thick and thin—at almost any cost—any sacrifice of principle. When their supporters saw in every bill encroachment upon provincial powers, the doom of the Ministry was sealed. A feeling was created that the real policy of the Government was to gradually absorb the Provincial Governments and to create a strong central Government — a suspicion which I need not say went far to make some regret that they had ever supported the removal of the seat of Government to Wellington. Sir, believing as I do, that the cry of separation will only be allayed by an entirely opposite policy—by carrying out the principles of ultra- provincialism—by enlarging the powers of the Provincial Governments—by confining the action of the Geueral Government to matters of purely federal concern—l am glad to perceive in the course pursued by niy friend at the head of the Government unmistakeable signs of his adoption of such a policy. I scarcely think that I need detain you by any reference to the native policy of the late Ministry, for I do'nt believe that even my friend, Mr. FitzGeral l, would now defend any of the nostrums of last session. It is quite clear that he did not himself believe in them—for instead of having recourse on the East Coat to the powers conferred by the Outlying Districts Police Act, he preferred the simpler remedy of martial law. If however, he ever did believ< in the application,- the foul murders of the messengers of peace, Kereti and Broughton must have undeceived him. Sir, I never hac any faith in the native policies that haveevei been propounded. I have ever adhered to the opinions that I expressed more than 20years ago—that as it was utterly impossible to preserve the race, to prevent its speedy extinctioi onr chief duty was to make the dying couch o the race as easy and comfortable as possible.Thi same causes which were in operation when I then wrote, are acting with increased intensity every succeeding year. It may be a matter of re gret that such a race, which possesses man} noble qualities, should disappear from the fac of the earth; hut their disappearance canno be attributed to their contact with the whit man, but to the barbarous custom of, during their intertribal wars, putting to death thei female offspring, thereby producing such disproportion between the sexes as to rende the preservation of the race impossible Twenty years ago their numbers were gent rally estimated at from 80,000 to 100,000 ; a the present moment no one believes that the, could muster 40,000 souls; while in anothe twenty years they will be reduced to a mer handful—a mere remnant. What then is th use of these elaborate native policies, whie are every now and then hatched ? Th Times, in an article of January, 1865, so com pletely expresses the views I have held, tha you will pardon me if I give the extract " Our policy towards the natives in New Zet land is comprised in the word' Wait.' Tew porising expedients, delays, dilatory nugotif tions, all manner of devices, which are c little avail in ordinary cases, are of the grea 1 est use when we have to deal with a rac which is continually decreasing, on behalf c a race which is continually increasing. It : easier to grow into the undisturbed sove reignty of New Zealand than to conquer it, Such a policy may be termed Fabian, an so forth, but I am more than ever satisfie that it is the only true one. [His Honor then alluded to the question < finance, and to taxation. He said that tl eredit of the colony must be maintained b extra taxation, but he objected to an income tax, a stamp duty being sufficient for th purpose.] Sir, great are our financial embarrassment still I cannot regard them as desperate—naj I take rather a hopeful view of them, and will tell you why. In the first place, I believ that the neck of the native insurrection is s thoroughly broken that we shall soon get ri of our war expenditure ; then agrin, from th large population which is being attracted b the goldfields. we may confidently look for large increase to our revenue. But I rely fc the means of enabling the colony to tide ove its present difficulties on the power given bj the Loan Act authorising the raising of tli three million loan. That Act does nc simply authorise the issuing of three millio of debentures, but the raising of three mi lions sterling, so that it matters nc at what discount you dispose of you bonds', your borrowing power is not es hausted until you have raised three millio sterling in hard cash. Until that amount i realised you can go on issuing your bond If Mr. Stafford exercises that power, as myself undoubtedly would were I in his pos tion, he will obtain some £400,000. Thi being tl.e probable loss on the sale of th bonds, an amount which would, in all probs bility, enable him to meet all the engagement of the colony, without having recourse t undue and oppressive taxation. But, gentle men, in whatever way our liabilities are to I met, we are, I repeat, all agreed, that the put lie credit must be maintained. Sir. there i only one other point that I will touch upor and that is this—Mr. Stafford ii charge* with having acted in a most arbitrary and un constitutional manner, for having a promis from His Excellency, that in the event of thi House meeting him with a vote of want o confidence, or refusing the supplies, he woul< dissolve. Sir, in my opinion, a more ridicu lously absurd accusation was never madi against any man ; for what are the facts The late Ministers, at the very time when thej had a majority in the House, threw down tin reins, and advised the Governor to send fo Mr. Stafford. The Parliament itself was ex piring by effluxion of time. Sir, I think tha under the circumstances, Mr. Stafford might without being chargeable with shirking thi responsibilities which fairly attach to tin recognised leader of a party, have declinee the task thus thrown upon him. But having undertaken it, I am prepared to maintain tha he had not only a perfect constitutional righ to stipulate, on certain contingencies arising for the power of dissolving the expiring House, but that if he had failed to insist upor such a stipulation, he would simply have rendered himself the laughing-stock of th< whole colony. Should I have omitted an) subject on which you are desirous of having an explanation or of ascertaining my views you have simply to remind me of the omiS' sion. But you will have no difficulty, fron the purport of my remarks, in gleaning thai my views on all the leading questions of the day, are far more in unison with those of Mr Stafford, than with those of the late Minis try, and that, therefore, I am earnestly de sirous, no matter who your members may be that the same fair and generous trial shouk be afforded to his Government, which ha! been accorded "to all preceding Ministers. Mr. Waring Taylor and Capt. Rhodes ther addressed the meeting, and were well received. Mr. Pearce p-oposed, and Mr. Huntei seconded, a vote of thanks to the late members for the full and satisfactory explanation of their 1 conduct during the past session, and that this meeting request that these gentlemen permit themselves to be nominated again to represent the City of Wellington in the General Assembly. Mr. Borlase declared his intention of contesting a seat, and was supported by Mr. Bull and others, who proposed ana seconded the following amendment: — " That this metting do record a vote of thanks to the representatives of the City of Wellington for their services in the General Assembly." Previous to the amendment being putMr. J. 11. Wallace expressed his intention of not contesting the election, as he had intended to do before Mr. Taylor and Dr. Featlierstone had said they would stand if desired by the electors. .. „ Several gentlemen then addressed the meeting on the subject of the amendment, which, on being put to the meeting, was lost. Mr. Dransfie.ld then moved— " That the thanks of this meeting be given to the representatives of the city for their

past services in the General Assembly, and that Dr. Featheratone be requested to permit himself to be nominated at the coming election." Mr. Borlase seconded this motion, which was put to the meeting and lost. The Chairman then put the original resolution, and it wab carried almost unanimously amid loud and continued cheering. The meeting then separated shortly before midnight, with a vote of thanks to the chairman.

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Bibliographic details

Lyttelton Times, Volume XXV, Issue 1636, 14 March 1866, Page 3 (Supplement)

Word Count
12,877

MR. MOORHOUSE AT TIMARU. Lyttelton Times, Volume XXV, Issue 1636, 14 March 1866, Page 3 (Supplement)

MR. MOORHOUSE AT TIMARU. Lyttelton Times, Volume XXV, Issue 1636, 14 March 1866, Page 3 (Supplement)