MR W. C, SMITH, M.H.R., AT WAIPAWA.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume XXI, Issue 6781, 13 February 1884, Page 3

MR W. C, SMITH, M.H.R., AT WAIPAWA.

[by telegbaph.] (from oue special eeporter.) Waipawa, Tuesday. Mr W. 0. Smith addressed his constituents in the Oddfellows' Hall this evening. There was a moderate attendance. Mr Ben B. Johnson was in the chair. Mr Smith, who was received with applause, first reviewed the work of the past session, which he characterised as unsatisfactory, little real work being done. As at the beginning of the session Major Atkinson stated that the session would be a short one, and few private bills would be allowed to pass, members looked forward to getting home early. Many bills were dropped to shorten the session. At the beginning both sides were nearly equal. It was thought that the Opposition had a majority of one or two, but the Government managed to pass a Loan Bill, and by that means secured for themselves a majority. The constituencies were largely to blame for making this possible by their demands for the expenditure of public money. The constituencies were indeed greatly to blame in the matter of the shortcomings of the Government. Members were returned simply to get money grants for their constituencies, and were secured as parts of the Government.majority by promises of large money votes for their districts. This state of things would continue till all borrowing in the future was stopped. "What had been -borrowed was already a great burden to the country. The interest paid yearly on borrowed money was £1,700,000, and the country could not afford to borrow any more money, simply because it could not afford to pay any more in the shape of interest. The different constituencies should set their faces against further borrowing, and at the next election refuse to return any candidates except those who would refuse to countenance further borrowing. This district had nothing to gain and all to lose by further borrowing. . We had no non-pay-ing lines of railway, and if further loans were agreed to the result would be that the money would be spent in non-paying lines in other parts of the colony, and the Bhare that Hawke's Bay would have would be that of paying additional taxes for interest. It had been said by some who at present disagreed with the Government that had men like Mr Richardson and Mr Header Wood been returned the present Government would have been turned out. That was a fallacy, aa the men named had beeu supporters of the present Government since the Grey Government were turned out. Those gentlemen were those who had gono in for borrowing in the past and for supporting the present Government, and if they had been returned last session they would probably have acted as they had done before being rejected by their constituents. At present it was not so much a question of who wa3 in office, but how much money those in office had to promise in the shape of votes. He would now allude to another statement that had been made, that the status of the present House was lower than that of any former House of Parliament. But Mr Macandrew, who waa possibly the best qualified of any member of the House to speak, had said that the present House was in every respect fully equal to the preceding ones. .He would now refer to the work of last session. The first measure brought down was the Bankruptcy Bill. This was an important bill, containing a great number of clauses and took up a long time in its discussion. There were many members of the House, and he was one of them, who believed that the commercial atmosphere would be purified by the abolition of all bankruptcy laws, and the total abolition of imprisonment for debt. Bankruptcy laws were for dishonest persons. As a rule, an honest debtor had little difficulty in getting time from his creditors, and if he were dishonest he could defy them in the face of all bankruptcy enactments. Still, while bankruptcy laws were to exist, he thought the bill of last year an improvement. It lessened thtf costs, and provided for a responsible official assignee, in place of the old trustee system. In the past the creditors got very little out of bankrupt estates. They would get a little more under the new system because of the improvements in the new law he had referred to. The next bill he would touch on was the Fisheries Bill. It was introduced last session for the "third time, having been thrown^ out twice before because of its containing unfair clauses. The bill as first brought down provided for a license fee to be paid even for fishing for eels, and also proposed that the only persons who should not pay licenses should be land owners or occupiers who held land through which streams ran. That bill was an attempt to introduce the old game laws of England into this country, and it was a good thing the measure was thrown out. He did not like the bill as it was passed last session, but it was much better in its improved form than when first introduced. The next measure was the Education Act Amendment. Bill, which was practically to provide for Bible reading in the schools. He believed it would be well that the Bible should be read in the schools if all the people in the colony were agreed upon the question, but while there were so many differences of opinion, and all those who differed had to pay equally in support of the education scheme, it would not be just to favor one section of the community at the expense of the others. (Applause. ) A great deal had been said about the great cost of the education system. ; It was certainly expensive, but the schools for higher education were the chief cause of its expense. This was seen in the South. Island, especially where large reserves, that should be colonial property and administered for primary education, were diverted to higher education. He believed that .a limit would have to be placed upon the cost of the education system, but under a proper scheme that might be done without interfering with primary education. The electora would have to see that the primary school system of education was not interfered with. (Loud applause.) bill dealing with education was ybrought in by Mr Steward to abolish cumulative .voting at school committee elections, but it was thrown out in the Upper House. He believed there was a strong public feeling, in the towns more especially, against the cumulative system, for under it the wishes of the majority might be defeated by a knot of friends agreeing Jtp ■; vote .'.for. a : particular candi-. date. HeAb'elieved the bill would pass next sessiwujie (Mr Sm#h) alsobrpught

in a bill to abolish the present system of appointing School Inspectors. They were now appointed by the different boards as permanent officers. Bach being left to make his own system there were wide differences between the requirements of the different inspectors for standard passes. The inspectors always living in the same place, they became imbued with local feelings and jealousies, which grew stronger the longer they resided in one place. His bill proposed to vest the appointment of inspectors in the Government, and to remove them every three years to new districts. They could meet at Wellington or elsewhere, and arrange uniform sets of questions. The bill did not reach its second reading, but was often referred to in the debate on the Westland Education District Subdivision Bill, and there was a general expression of opinion in its favor. He succeeded, despite strong opposition from the Government, in again getting a vote on the estimates for subsidies to libraries. He looked on this as an important matter, especially to country libraries in sparsely settled districts. In a few years they might be in a position to do without such aid, but he hoped the grant would be made for two or three years. There was a debate on local government inaugurated by motions tabled. by Mr Montgomery. The motions were lost on a division, but a general opinion was expressed, in which he concurred, that the country had too much government. In every district there were four or five different bodies to do work which could be better done by one. There were Licensing Commissioners, Koad Boards, County and Borough Councils, Town District Boards, Land Boards, School Committees —all or nearly all of which could with advantage be amalgamated. Better men would offer their services on a body combining a number of such functions, and the expense would be largely reduced. It was also beginning to be generally felt that in the near future the local bodies would have to depend for their revenues entirely on money locally raised by rates andlicense fees. The subsidy system, which was to make the counties so much better than the provinces, had to be abandoned, and in its place the Roads and Bridges Construction Act and the Crown and Native Lands Eating Act had been passed. Already, though only in operation two years, and though the original scheme was modified last session, the Roads and Bridges Construction Act had broken down. Some of the bodies which had applied for £30,000 or £40,000 were informed that only £1000 or £2000 could be given. Six months ago, he believed, was the time when the money should have been distributed, but the local bodies were told they could have scarcely one-fifth of the amounts to which they were entitled under the Act, and even this fifth was not yet forthcoming, for the money was not in hand. Even this small sum could not be given for long, though it might last another year. The Crown and Native Lands Rating Act was passed two years ago, but no money had yet been paid \ under it this year. Rates for two years might be paid under the Act passed for ■ that purpose last year, but that too must 1 soon come to ruin. The county system 1 had been a most complete failure in some parts — Waipawa was one. The object of i the Counties Act was to unite a number of Road Board districts in one for the 1 purpose of undertaking large works of i importance to the whole county, but this object was defeated in Waipawa by a resolution which provided < that the rates should be spent in the i districts where they were raised. The i county simply collected the rates and paid them back, less about one-third taken for the expense of administration. There ; was a growing feeling in many parts of i the district that if that system was to be i continued it would be better to suspend < the Counties Act aud leave the Road i Boards to collect the rates. He was of i that opinion. If the county were 1 abolished the Road Boards could impose < rates if necessary equal to those now mi- ] posed by both bodies, and collect the 1 license fees. They would then have : all the money that was raised without any deduction as now. There < would be the further advantage that just the money that was required could be raised, while under the county system the same rate had to be struck over the whole district, irrespective of the different requirements. A bill was brought in last session by Sir George Grey dealing with federation, to enable this colony to annex the Fijis or other adjacent islands if Parliament decided to do so. The bill was passed, but had not yet received the royal assent. He believed, i however, that would be far better than the proposals of the recent conference held in Sydney. The delegates had drawn up a measure under which there was a danger that this or any other colony might be compelled to share in the expense of a scheme of federation against the wish of the people or the Parliament. So far as he could gather, he believed a strong opposition would be raised in Parliament to the proposals of the Conference. fAt this juncture a drunken individual, who had. several times interrupted the speaker, had to be removed.] Mr Smith next referred to the Financial Statement, saying that it raised the present expenditure to £3,361,000, to be raised by half a million of colonists. The Statement showed that there was an estimated deficiency in the revenue of £61,000, and it proposed to increase the cost of government by £54,000, and to meet this an additional farthing had to be put lon the property tax. The Statement also showed a deficiency of £208,000 in the railway revenue, which had to be made good from taxation. But even this statement was better than the actual result. Already there was a deficiency in the Customs receipts of over £100,000, and there would be a large deficiency on the working of the railways. A return was laid on tho table of the House last session which showed the amount raised by taxation to be £2,159,000, of which Hawke's Bay contributed £90,000 for 16,000 Europeans, or £5 10s per head — man, woman, child. Taranaki contributed £21,000 only, Marlborough being below that amount, yet there was a very large Government expenditure there. The amount voted for the Taranaki railway was larger than almost any other line, and it was the same with the votes for roads and other works. Major Atkinson said "*~^ k Taranaki got only its share, but the public and the House thought differently, and would refuse to continue to vote so much money to Taranaki. A determined effort was being made in Taranaki to get £1,000,000 voted for the Northern trunk line over inaccessible country, merely for the benefit of Taranaki. He believed the Uovernment would endeavor to get the Taranaki route adopted, but there would be strong opposition. Rather than see the money wasted in taking the line that way he would join the Southern members in preventing the line being constructed at all. Fortunately the money could not be raised until the route was decided upon by Parliament. Several bills were passed last session dealing with native affairs. The first was the Native Committees Act. That was the same as the bill introduced in the previous session by Henare Tomoana, when the Government opposed it strongly, Mr Bryee threatening to resign if it passed. Yet one year afterwards he introduced it himself: That showed the party feeling of the Ministry. They opposed everything introduced by an Opposition member. A very strong Native Land Laws Bill was introduced by Mr Bryce, proposing to make great changes in the present law, but it was materially modi-' fied before being passed, Mr Bryce said he would give it a trial, and if it did not succeed, he would propose that the Crown j should resume the sole right to, purchase j : ,pa#ye lands. J2o (Mr, Smith) tabled (V

motion with that object, btit the interest brought against it was too strong. _ The Land Reservation Bill was not believed in by many membprs, but as it only continued a law passed in the previous session it was allowed to pass. In 1882 the Eoad Boards Act, the Town Districts Acf", the Crown and Native Lands Rating Act, and the Eoads and Bridges Construction Act were passed, but last session every one had to be amended, and probably they would have to be further amended, and in the end repealed. These numerous Amendment Acts made it almost impossible for laymen to know the law. Even lawyers often made mistakes. It would be much better if, when an amendment was required, the old Act were repealed, and a new measure enacted with the required alteration. The Prisons Bill was an important measure, designed to make one law for all the prisons in the colony, instead of the different provincial laws previously in force. In committee it was greatly altered for the better. Clauses relating to imprisonment in dark cells, and giving visiting magistrate's power to prolong sentences were struck out. Now a sentence could only be extended for prison ofEences by a Reseident Magistrate after hearing the charge in open Court, which would prevent a scandal such as had occurred in the South Island. After expressing approval of ilie Patents Act, which reduced the cost and simplified the mode of obtaining patents, Mr Smith expressed regret at the Legislative Council having thrown out the Affirmations Bill, which provided for the abolition of oaths in Courts of Justice, substituting simple affirmations. Mr Smith then referred to the Amended Land Act, providing for the election of Land Boards, and the Tenants' Fixtures Bill, which defined what fixtures a landlord could seize for rent. He believed there was a stnong feeling against nominee Land Boards. The members were appointed for political services, or because their support was considered doubtful. If the Boards were elective the small settlers would be represented, and that was very necessary, for there was no doubt the laws had been administered in a manner that was detrimental to the interest of small holders. He hoped to see a change made next session. He also hoped to see the Married Women's Property Act become law. The Roads Through Private Lands Bill was of great importance. In some country districts when the lands were sold 5 per cent, was allowed to purchasers for land to be taken for roads, but if not so taken within five years the right lapsed, and the land could only be taken by the local bodies by paying compensation and fencing the roads on both sides. The bill which was introduced, but dropped, provided for these lands being taken on a better system. Another bill which had been talked of greatly was Mr Whitaker's bill for abolishing entail. It was designed to prevent the perpetuation of large estates in the future by being handed from father to eldest son, and to favor subdivision ; but though professedly part of the Ministerial programme at the last elections, the influence brought to bear against it was so great that it was dropped. The unfortunate thing of it was that the fact of the bill being on the order paper prevented a private member bringing in a similar measure. There was an attempt to do so, but it did not succeed. A bill was passed to extend the polling hours at elections to 8 o'clock in the evening, which would be a great advantage to working men, who when the poll closed at 6 o'clock had either to lose half a day's work or their votes. A bill to abolish plurality of votes was brought in, but was not passed. Now a man having property in half-a-dozen different electorates could get on the roll in each, and in a close contest the votes of non residents might turn an election. This was actually done at Picton last election, when a number of Wellington residents chartered a steamer, aud by their votes swamped the resident electors and turned the election. That meant giving votes to property, not to men. Next session being the last of this Parliament the question must be fought out, and he hoped that at the next election each man would have only one vote. The Government desired to extend the system of giving votes to property, and brought in the Leaseholders Qualification Bill, but they had to withdraw it. He regretted that the Impounding Bill had not passed. In his district there was no Impounding Act, or rather copies could not be obtained, and the settlers did not know the law. It was of great importance to country settlers to fcaow the law to prevent ill-feeling between neighbors. The Premier endeavored to get the bill put through, b\>t it was abandoned because the Premier had announced that the session would close at the end of August. Mr Smith next gave the history of the Russell Land Grant Bill, which he said was introduced by the then Premier (Mr Whitaker) to give a large tract of country, including the Te Aroha Goldfields, or monetary compensation to the extent of £20,000, to Mr Thomas Russell, Mr Whitaker's partner. Mr Russell had been in treaty with the natives for the land before it passed through the Court, and his action was consequently illegal. The preamble of the bill set forth that whereas Mr Eussell had advanced money to the natives on this land, and had abandoned his claim to the Government, compensation in land or money should be given. An enquiry was held by a committee, when it appeared that the money advanced was something like £36. Because Mr Russell had engaged in an illegal transaction, and had spent £36 on it, the Government proposed to give him £20,000. This was very strange when it was remembered that Mr Bryce's Native Lands Bill, as introduced, proposed to impose heavy penalties on anyone doing as Mr Eussell had done. Mr Smith naxt referred to the Railways Improved Land Bill, which proposed to specially tax lands through which ran railways to be constructed in the future. He expressed regret that the principle laid down by Sir Julius Yogel at the initiation of the public works policy, that lands benefited by railways should be taxed to make up the deficiency in interest, had ever been abandoned, but he held that it would be most unjust to enforce that principle now in the construction of future railways. Would it, he asked, be fair to tax the bush settlers for p'%e extension of the Napier line, from which the landowners on the portion already constructed had for years past reaped great benefits, and were left untaxed ? Some suggested that those lands which had benefited in the past should also be taxed, but against that proposal there was raised the objection that many persons had bought land since a railway passed through it, and they had paid the original holder the increased value given to the land by the railway. The question was a difficult one, and it was a great pity that Sir Julius Vogel's proposition had ever been departed from. The insurance, or, as they were called, " paper proposals," of Major Atkinson were not needed. Major Atkinson found the colony would not stand them. They were far beyond the requirements of the colony, even if not otherwise objectionable. They might do, as the Native Minister had said, some 100 years to come, but certainly not before. In fact, he (Mr Smith) did not think the proposals could ever be made to appear just, or that the House would pass a measure which taxed the laboring classes and small settlers sixpence per day for the support of paupers. Another of the measures tabled by the Government, but left over for next session, was the Legislative Council Reform Bill. He did not think the Government . were serious in the matter. The bill was simply to be used as a stalking horse for next year. The bill was wrong in principle, for, what was the use of, electing

half a House and nominating the other half? If the principle of an elective Upper House was any good, it was good to be applied generally, all the members to retire at stated periods for re-election ; but he did not believe in electing the Upper House. At the elections the Government nominees would have a great advantage. The country had a long sea board and widely scattered districts, and the elections would necessarily have a local leanipg— a general political feeling was difficult to bring about. Local feeling would creep in in spite of all efforts to the contrary, and the man best known in a place would be voted for by the electors of that place. Hawke's Bay would try to return its own members, Auckland the same, Wellington the same, and so on. Under the proposed Hare's system the country would bo in the power of the Government. Large and influential bodies such as the Loan and Mercantile Agency would support the Government nominees; in every town the elections could be successfully forced, so that Opposition candidates would have no chance. It aad been said that Hare's system would do away with localism, but he believed it would increase it ; or if localising could be done away with, another bad result might creep in. When an election took place the North Island might discover that Auckland or other large centres had elected all the North Island members. That might be good evidence of absence of localism, but he thought Hawke's Bay would hardly like the result. In respect to localism it had been said that a local man was not likely to take broad colonial views. That was a fallacy, as local men were generally elected because they looked well after their district. Other things being equal, a man who proved himself qualified to do the best for his district was likely to be energetic in his devotion to colonial questions. Apart altogether, however, from the questions of localism or colonialism, he did not believe in the proposals of the Government as to the Upper House. If it was to be elective let it be wholly so, and if nominative it would be better that it should remain as at present. The Government of the day could always affect the constitution of the Upper House at present, but it would be beyond control under an elective system. Having given a short resume of what the Government had proposed in the past he would now give them his ideas of what would happen next session. He believed that next session would be a short one, for various reasons. The principal reason was that the revenue was falling off, The Government finding themselves short of money would not attempt to carry on through a long session, but would most likely appeal to the country shortly after meeting. He thought the Government would be likely to appeal to the country on Upper House reform, or on the question of annexation and confederation. He thought they would do this from a desire to keep back their financial proposals till after the election of the new Parliament. Then the new House would have the burden of providing for the deficit— of arranging the incidence of taxation for additional revenue. The finances at present were in a worse condition than when the Government took office, and the appeal to the country ought to be on the question as to how the deficit was to be covered — what additional taxation should be imposed, if any. The question of taxation was of far more importance than federation, annexation, or Upper House reform. At the present time the taxation raised was two and a , quarter million— a million and a half from Customs, and the remainder from property tax, beer duty, and stamps. He feared the taxation of the colony would shortly be 1\ millions. That would have to be raised by half a million of people. Fancy half a million of people taxed at tbat rate ! It amounted to £5 per head, or say £30 for an average family of six. If that sum were raised by direct taxation the people would rise in rebellion at the demands made upon them, but because it was paid indirectly it was not noticed. That was an argument in favor of direct taxation, for if the people were made to realise what they paid they would take a more intelligent interest in the affairs of the country. By raising the taxation directly the country would save the expense of a vast army of Customs and other officials, who swallowed up a great deal of what was raised in the cost of collection. Of course the Government would not go the country on a question of that kind. At the last election they went to the country on the Parihaka cry, and as a great many persons, including himself, believed in the Native Minister's policy, the Government secured an easy victory. He hoped there would be more definite questions before electors at the next election. The real question that should be decided at the next election was whether the taxation should be chiefly raised from the laboring classes and from small settlers, or whether property should contribute its fair share. If the electors got an opportunity to give an utterance on that question he felt sure it would be a decided one. There was one thing certain, that an attempt to raise another quarter of a million by Customs duties and property tax would be the last feather to break the camel's back. At present the greater part of the property tax was paid by the people. In round numbers about £56,000 was paid by goods arriving in the colony for consumption, the remainder by land and property. Everything that was eaten or drunk was subject to the property tax, and if that tax were increased the price of all commodities would be increased also. To show how unfairly the property tax was paid, he migbt mention that the total value of the lands of the colony was set down at one ■ hundred millions, yet of the whole property tax only about £100,000 was paid by land. The sum paid wa3 really nothing when compared with the value of the land, and yet some people talked of the property tax being levied upon land. The poople would soon demand that the large estates of the colony should pay more than at present towards the revenue of the country, and especially that the estates of absentees should be made to contribute more than at present. He brought forward a Land Tax Bill in the House last session ; not so much in the hope of carrying it, but to ge t the names of those who voted against it recorded in Hansard. Many candidates pledged themselves to a land tax on the hustings, but never intended to vote for it. It was stated by one of the whips, after the division on his (Mr Smith's) motion was taken, that it would cost many members their seats, because they had voted against the land tax after distinctly promising to support it. His (Mr Smith's) idea of a land tax was one that would exempt all improvements. But ' improvements were specially taxed by the property tax. To take a typical case — there might be two properties on either side of a road, one a small one, highly improved and the owner trying to further improve it ; and the other a large property practically in a state of nature. If the owner of the small section was heavily taxed because of the value of his improvements, while the owner of the large unimproved property got off lightly simply because he had not improved, the settler who benefited the country suffered for his energy and industry, and the settler who was only so in name practically received an exemption bonus for his lack of improvement. That tended to discourage settlement and progress. The great end which all who had the welfare of the country at heart should keep iniview was the settlement of the land. Men would say that they could do as they pleased with what they had bought jand paid for, but that was hardly correct. Property had its rights, but it also had its duties, and large estates that were increased wonderfully in value by the expenditure of public money should

contribute in proportion to the revenae of the" colony. There was an instance of what he referred to about Hastings. Land there a few years ago was worth from 2&s to 30s per acre, and now in many cases it was worth £60. That result was chiefly due to the expenditure of public money upon railways and immigration. The Government veve recognising the justice of the principle that lands which benefited by the construction of fail way 8 should be specially taxed, but were recognising it in a curious way. They proposed to tax those only who were to benefit by railways in the future, ignoring altogether the enormous expenditure of the past and its results. If they looked at Ireland and Scotland they could see the evil result of bad land legislation. England was spending large sums of money for troops in Ireland, and in Scotland people were being turned out of their holdings, all because of the vicious land laws. The land question was coming to the front in all quarters, and would have to be dealt with in a decisive fashion at no distant time. It would be for New Zealand to see that our descendents should not be in the position the people of the United Kingdom were at present. It was the strong feeling he had on this question that had induced him to come forward at the last election. If he came forward again it would be to help on a reform which was so badly needed. As soon as a progressive land tax was passed, and some of the alterations he had referred to as being needed were brought about, he would be glad to retire in favor of someone else. It was probable that there would be an election next July, and if he adhered to his intention of coming forward again he would then explain more fully to them the views he held on the great questions of land taxation and settlement. The speaker resumed his seat amid applauseAfter a few questions had been asked and answered, relating chiefly to the county system of local government, Mr Clark proposed and Mr Whittington seconded a vote of thanks and confidence, which was carried unanimously.