Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

THE COLONIAL POLICY.

NEy? The news which arrived from New Zealand, just before the departure of the March mail, startled the British public not a little. The peacefuraspect of affairs in that colony for many months previously had been so industriously paraded as a proof of the approbation with which Lord Granville's policy was regarded, that the opponents of that policy were everywhere discredited. Their prophecies of disaster, as a consequence of the withdrawal of the last symbol of Imperial authority, exposed them to merciless derision.^ Facts seemed all to militate against their fears, and the case against them was apparently complete on the publication of the despatches between the Governments of N6w Zealand and Queensland and the Colonial Office, in which Lord GranvilleV letter to the colonial Governors •was so ostentatiously commended, and the absentee colonists in London received so unmerited a snubbing. The few English journals which had, protested against the disintegrating policy -bad become silent, overborne by the adulatory clamors of the. leading liberal papers. When therefore the tidings 1 cauie of renewed hostilities on the part of the Maoris, of indignation and depression among the settlers, and of proposals of annexation to some other power which would value and foster the connexion, there were evident signs of consternation among the Granvilleites. One or two papers did their best to depreciate the gravity of the intelligence, while the bulk of the Liberal organs ignored the ominous tidings altogether. The Spectator, of March 26, has an article in condemnation of the disingenuous and treacherous manner in which the new policy is being carried out. Every effort is made, to; stifle discussion. in Parliament; there-is a marked absence of frankness in the ministerial replies to inquisitive members ; and our principal clues to the ultimate intentions of the Colonial Secretary are supplied to us from abroad—from Canada, from the Cape, and elsewhere. Sir A. Gait is evidently inspired with the new idea of gradual detachment, and has received the order of St. Michael and St. George in recognition of his fidelity. He has received a secret despatch on the subject of Canadian independence, which he is not permitted to publish. But in spite of this secrecy, Sir A. Gait has publicly stated that-"he is satisfied that the.policy of independence has been arrived at by the Imperial Government, and that, so far as his loyalty .to the. Crown is concerned, he stands upon the same ground as the ministers of the Grown in England." A similar declaration comes from the Cape. Sir Philip Wodehouse, the official organ of her Majesty's Government, lately urged the Cape colonists not to accept responsible government, on the ground that sooner or later it must lead to separation, which he illu-trated from the fate of Canada and New Zealand. "In North America," he remarked, "we have unmistakable indications of the rapid establishment of a powerful independent state. In Australia it is probable that its several settlements, with their great wealth and homogenous population, will see their way to a similar coalition. In New Zealand the severance is being accomplished under very painful circumstances." Sir Philip is a relative of one member of the Cabinet, and is of course formally instructed by another, and it is not likely that he has -—in an official speech intended to suggest the same course to his own colony—misinterpreted the real end and aim of the present colonial policy of her Majesty's advisers. "The significant speech of Sir Philip attracted considerable attention, and Mr. Whalley put a question to the Undersecretary for the Colonies on the subject on the 7th instant. Mr. Monsel's reply betrayed the annoyance felt in that region at Sir Philip's recalcitrant conduct. lie remarked :—" If the hon. gentleman will refer to the paragraph of Sir P. Wodehouse's speech immediately preceding the one he has quoted; in his question, he will find that Sir P. Wodehouse has always been a consistent opponent of responsible government for the colonies. He asserts that responsible government is opposed to the existence of a colony as a dependency, and, coloring his view by his own preconceived notions, he gave the description of several of our colonies which the hon. gentleman quotes. The-views of her Majesty's Governmont, and, I believe, of this House, and of almost every colonist, are diametrically opposed to the views bt Sir P. Wodehouse. We believe that large communities sprung from our race never can be prosperous and never can be contented unless under responsible government; in other words, with the full enjoyment of liberty. We know that, just in proportion to the completeness with which this system has been introduced in our colonies,- has their attachment and devotion to the mother country been strengthened'and developed. Lord Granville has expressed to Sir P. Wodehouse the dissent of her Majesty's Government from the views he has expressed, and I am not aware that any further, steps need at present be taken in the matter." Bufc the matter is not likely to rest in this unsatisfactory position. A motion on the relations subsisting between this country and the self-governing colonies, and for the appointment of a select committee of inquiry, is to be introduced by Mr. It. Torrens on the 26th inst., immediately after the recess. In the article already referred to, the Spectator sums up its argument in the following words :—" No one can deny that if in Canada, if in the Cape, if in New Zealand, separation is believed by official persons on adequate grounds to be the deliberate policy of the Government, it was incumbent on the Ministry which had formed so novel and hardy a design to communicate its view to Parliament, and take the opinion of the nation on the boldest and most startling innovation in modern statesmanship. To carry out this policy to the bitter end in the extreme case of New Zealand, without ever informing Parliament of the real motive, and leaving it to be supposed that the last regiment is to be withdrawn fram New Zealand, solely because New Zealand can do very well if not better without it, is not candid*—is not worthy - of a policy, which, however foolish and fatal it may be, and we think is, is, at least both courageous and original. The nation is apathetic, in part, at least, because, it is - only half awake to what is happening. Let the Ministry

lioldiy propound;, its plans, and persuade the United Kingdom to shear itself as soon as may be of its great colonial possessions, if it can. But it is neither constitutional nor just to- commit us deeply to an irretrievable policy before any substantial fraction of the English people know what they are sanctioning and whither they are drifting." The Standard declares that "the historian of the future, in that page which will be devoted to the events now passing, will scarcely be able to withhold his astonishment that at the very crisis of the relations between England and her colonies it was not thought worth the while of any member of the. House of Commons to call attention to so vital a topic — that in spite of the declared wishes and feelings of the people, the governing classes were quite content to let Lord Granville accomplish his fatal mission, and to dismember the empire. While the whole session of Parliament is taken up with the question how to grant ah extraordinary concession to the Irish people by violating in their favor the cardinal rules of political economy, at the very time when the spirit of disaffection and lawlessness is so rife as to demand a special measure of coercion, not a night can be spared to discuss a matter which is surely of equal importance to the well-being of the country — the question of whether it is desirable or not to maintain the colonies, and, if desirable, the measures to be taken to secure that end. There is not one of the colonies, even the most, prosperous, which is nofc presently occupied with the question — not as a mere fanciful hypothesis or remote speculation, but as a near and contingent event-— of its separation from England. It may be this is the very result which Lord Granville desires to obtain, and that he rather plumes himself upon his dexterous management in so contriving that those which are not violently thrust out should be preparing to take their departure. But nevertheless it is a fact which surely demands the attention of the British Parliament and people. They who desire to precipitate the dismemberment of the empire aa well as they who wish to prevent it, should be equally interested in having the question fairly and fully discussed. Nor can there be any time for the discussion so opportune as the present. In another year or two we may not Jjave the option of having any opinion on the matter. The policy of Lord Granvilie is a policy whieh fulfils itself. If we permit the colonies to entertain the idea that we are in doubt as to the value of .their connexion, we may be sure that they will be quick to take the hint. It is not likely that they will wait our time for turning them out. They will claim the right of electing their own day of departure." On the 29th ult., Mr. Eastwick asked the Colonial Undcr-Secretary why the correspondence with reference to New Zealand,' promised in Her Majesty's speech, had not been produced. Mr. Monsell, in reply, said there were two series of papers, and there were 215 pages of both in type. He hoped they would be laid on the table of the House in the course of a week.

This article text was automatically generated and may include errors. View the full page to see article in its original form.
Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HBH18700624.2.15.2

Bibliographic details

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 14, Issue 1164, 24 June 1870, Page 3

Word Count
1,618

THE COLONIAL POLICY. Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 14, Issue 1164, 24 June 1870, Page 3

THE COLONIAL POLICY. Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 14, Issue 1164, 24 June 1870, Page 3