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TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22.

Adjourned Debate. Mr. Dillon Bell (who on rising was received with cheers) said he only remembered one previous occasion when he arose to address the House with feelings so painful as he felt that night. That occasion was on the debate relating to the Waitara, when after a period of peace the colony found itself in a state of war. The same work he had then before him he had again devoted himself to, for it was his opinion that there must be some link in the chain of circumstances which would connect that time and those incidents with the present and the events now taking place. He had endeavored on all such questions to raise himself above the level of party spirit. He felt, after deeply considering recent events, the Government were pursuing a course destructive to the country ; and there was no hope of wakening them to the danger of the crisis. (Hear, hear). The state of the country demanded the removal of those hon. members from those benches. An opposition had sprung up from a small nucleus to being the most formidable he had ever seen in that House. He would first refer to what had taken place on the West Coast. He believed had wise measures been taken peace would have been preserved. It was necessary to carry back the mind of the House to a date just six months ago, when the present Governor came into the country ; when the condition of the natives had been considered so that : his Excellency might be acquainted with their state. Never was a time when there was greater prospect of continued peace. The Waikato Magistrate said the natives were increasing in number (that was in March,) that they were steadily devoting themselves to industry, and that an excellent feeling prevailed between native and European. Some of the king natives were sullen, but still the general feeling that prevailed was satisfactory. The Resident Magistrate said they only asked for isolation, of which they would soon tire. They had become tired of war. The most astute of the former enemies of the Euro- ! peans declared that the sword was sheathed. Everybody knew what had been the result of the military settlement. On the East Coast Mr. Cooper said the district was perfectly safe so Jong as the natives deported to the Chatham Island were kept (here. But there was a warning to the effect that if those prisoners should return, the Resident Magistrate would not be answerable for the preservation of peace. He (Mr. Bell) could not help paying the highest compliment to a gentleman distinguished by his energy and by long suffering — Mr. Parris. [The 1 hon. member, read the opinion of Mr. Parris, in which he said the old feeling of enmity had died out. At Ngutuoteinanu there was peace, and Titokuwharo called his attention to a large house, and said it was built for the King of Peace.] It was said that speech was only to beguile the European, but there was ample evidence to the contrary. There was nothing to prove that the declaration was insincere. What was it changed the whole aspect of things ? The Patea was as good a base of operations as the Government could have. The country between Patea and the Waimoruru stream had been laid out in military settlements. A few miles higher up was the redoubt of Turuturumokai. Higher up was Waihi. The country was one of most romantic beauty ; none in New Zealand had ever struck him as so beautiful. There, six months ago, there was peace, a beautiful country to be cultivated, and he could show that people could be settled there without any interruption from the native people. Not only was this country the most beautiful, but it was the most defensible. How came the change? There was a place called Mokaio, from which the outbreak seemed to have diverged. That was the place where the first attempt to settle military settlers in the bush had led to subsequent disastrous events. Then there was the affair of Pokaikai, which he had hoped would have been explained by the inquiries of the commissioners. [The hon. member read passages from the evidence of Mr. Parris, one of which was that Tito Onatohu said they would have revenged | the murdered at Pokaikai, but that I H'DoaaeU tad. promised to give them

, back their land.] Did M'Donnell report this to the Government, and. what did the Government say ? An Hon. Membee : He did not. Mr. Bell: It was rumoured he did, and the Government blamed him, and said they would not hold by what he had done. But there was evidence of it. It was beyond doubt that the inarch to Pokaikai was because the native chief, instead of going to him, had gone to Mr. Parris to make peace. What was the land which the natives believed was given back to them. It was clear that their refusal to allow settlement near the bush was the consequence of their belief in the justification of their claim. There it was the first scene of the recent tragedy took place. On the 11th April, 1868, was made the complaint of Henderson and Luxford, who had been turned back from Wakamaro. They were not military settlers. One of the natives said to Mr. Booth that the Government had made peace with them only to lull them into security : that they would never allow settlement near the bush, and if the attempt were made they would oppose it, and burn down the whares. Henderson and Luxford were not military settlers, but derivative buyers. Was it wise, was it worth while, to persist in putting these men on that land at the end of Ihe bush in the presence of threats so determined. They said they believed there had been peace, and if Mr. Booth was about to bring a force, he should say when the force would come, that they (the Maoris) might send men to meet the force. There could be no more clear indication of what was about to happen. Three days before the 11th of April it was said the best feeling existed between native and European, with the exception of Mr. Bailey. That was ample proof of the intention on the part of the natives to preserve peace, and that there was a large block of beautiful land upon which Europeans might be settled with the entire acquiescence, and even by the desire of the natives. At that time there was fertile land open to occupation, but by a fatal policy, resulting in an accursed war, the present intolerable state of things had been brought about. Were there not five thousand reasons to one for holding the land that was open to Europeans and refraining from occupation of land which the natives menacingly disputed. Next they had reports of articles stolen. A second time Henderson and Luxford were turned back, and although violence was not used, tbere was a firm determination not to allow the European to settle beyond Mokaio. Next was the expedition of an armed party of thirty men, with Mr. Booth, to take prisoners, for assaulting Henderson. Was it worth while ? The Native Minister was in Auckland. What was the authority for all that was done ? The natives accepted Mr. Booth's terms, and the Government should have congratulated themselves upon an escape from a great difficulty. There could be no doubt the Government was wrong with respect to this war. Next was the incident of the horses, which the natives said had been looted from them, and if so looted how could a Resident Magistrate interfere. The next dato was the 15th of May. Toi said he meant to take all the horses again ; he said the pakeha had taken the " flesh and bones," meaning the land, and plainly told the Europeans to go back to the Waitotara. Toi was to be arrested ; that might be defended by the necessity for executing the Queen's warrant ; but to go with a party in the middle of the night, accompanied with all the paraphernalia of war, to attack the natives — never was more egregious folly. He did not think that any member of the Government except the Defence Minister could have sanctioned such a thing. The men who had been friendly were now arrayed against the Government. Was it worth while for a couple of miserable horses to run that risk. Over and over again warnings were given to the Government. Colonel McDonnell said, on the 6th July, a dangerous crisis was at hand. Mr. Parris gave another warning on the 17th of July. The Government allowed their officers to slide into a state of war at the very time when Parliament was sitting, even when hon. gentlemen on the Government benches were telling the House there was no crisis. The House was treated as if hon. members were children, as if they were fools. They were told it was not expedient to give them information, and those who supported the Government encouraged this concealment. Those who then supported the Government must bear the responsibility of what had occurred. The House would have given advice to the Government without party spirit. There might be a party spirit on qnestions of political predilection ; but when the country was in a state of war— when the lives of men were at stake — hon. members of the opposition could approach so serious a question without a particle of party feeling. The British Ministry, on such occasions, acted differently. They laid the whole case before Parliament, and Parliament haviug the interest of their country at heart, approached a serious question and tendered their advice. Two 3 r ears ago there was the old jealousy between Mr. McDonnell and Mr. Parris. Military officers must not_ be allowed to traverse the country, saying and doing what had been described by the hon. member for Omata. What were Civil Commissioners for? It was scarcely possible to come to any other conclusion than that the Government were guilty of the gravest indiscretion. Next, with respect to the East Coast. Warning after warning had been scut to the Government. The whole history of the East Coast should have been a warning. Everything should have induced the Government to hold rigid guard on the native prisoners at the Chatham Islands. But having escaped, they were entitled to a generous consideration ; their desire to escape was natural, and if they desired to commit violence, they might have committed many more crimes. An experienced gentleman had said that, unless speedily taken, they should have been let alone. But the Government, when asked for information, would give none; they absolutely refused; and if the House had been consulted, ' there would have been almost a unanimous wish that those natives should be let alone. Was it to be said that Mr. M'Lean was actuated by party, that he had not access to complete information — a man who rescued the whole East Coast from war. The House was not aware of the enormous sums of money that had been spent. In 1866 Government said £50,000 was required for military settlement, &c, in addition to £200,000. In 1866-7 £80,000 was expended. [The hon. member read from the financial statement the items connected with the Native and Defence Department, as set down in the financial statement.] The total, £468,000, exclusive of £150,000 for suppression of rebellion. In vain had the late Mr. Ward protested against that expenditure. Mr. Ward said military settlers were selling their lands, that they were no more use than a swan on a turnpike road, and that they would get the Government and the country into trouble. No less than three-quarters of a million had been expended in 1866-7-8 for defence. -* The hon. Mr. Stafford: Two-thirds of that was for settlers under contract, and brought here by the hon. gentleman. Mr. Bell denied that it was to pay men brought to the colony by Mr. Do.

mett's Government. The whole of the proportion of the £560,000 for defence had been taken up, except the vote for contingent defence. The colony was engaged in costly operations, which would exhaust every farthing of money that could be raised, and which it would fall on the Middle Island to pay. There was, according to experienced judgment, an expense going on of £1000 a day. Auckland's revenue was rapidly increasing, and likely to increase. Why should the Middle Island funds and the revenue of Auckland be demanded to carry on operations in a most difficult country, and what appeared to be an unjust cause. Let not the reproach be again cast upon the Middle Island of advising a war. They should stay their hands. It was denied that there was disorganisation, but he believed that Colonel Haultain was obliged to admit that the camps were in a disgraceful state ; and it was even reported that there was a difference between Colonel Haultain and Colonel M'Donnell as to the course that ought to be pursued. [The hon. member recited various acts of insubordination.] It -was well known that out of doors there was no confidence in the Government. There would be no peace in the country so long as the present Government were at the head of affairs. There was only one courseleft — to remove them from those benches. Middle Island members who voted with the Government would have to bear a grave responsibility, and he warned them there would be a reckoniug-yet to be made on account of the cost. Let lion.' members see what was the feeling of the great mass of the people, and, in their character of representatives, carry into effect the desire of the country. The hon. Mr. Richmond asked what became of all the candour of the hon. member for Mataura. He only discovered the danger of the country when ho found the hon. member for Napier had come over to the Opposition. (Hear, hear : No, no.) The Government could claim credit for the peace which had not, during their term of office been disturbed. The Government could not be blamed for not publishing all the reports of the state of the natives, for they did not wish, to create a panic, to which the hon. gentleman apparently did not object. The land to which the hon. gentleman referred was occupied by a settler of one kind or another. Henderson and Luxford had not been pushed forward by the Government. TheGovernmenthadbeen placed by the policy of previous Governments in the lion's den, aud they had to keep the animals down by the power of the eye. The Government did that in the best way they could. The hon. member had not read the whole of Mr. Parris's letter. An Hon. Member : Read, read. The Hon Mr. Richmond said he had not the particular paper by him. Mr. D. Bell : I shall be glad to be corrected if I misquoted. The Hon. Mr. Richmond : There could be nothing more clearly defined than those reserves were. To deal with the case of Henderson and Luxford was an exceedingly difficult matter, but the arrest was a more delicate and dubious affair. But Toi said he had stolen and would continue to steal, and there were other kinds or property stolen, as could be found mentioned in the papers. The Government were liable to be compromised, not only by their own officers, but by private individuals who treated with the natives. No doubt there were matters over which no Government had any control, which at any time imperiled the peace of the colony. The presence of Mr. Booth in the district was at the request of two tribes. No single opportunity had ever been lost by the Government of holding out the right hand of friendship to those natives. [The hon. gentleman read a Maori letter, in which the natives of Wairarapa were told the year was a soft year ; that the lily was out, that in October there would be a rising of which there would be no end. The letter was quoted to show the double interpretation of which the Maori documents were capable.] There might come the October to which the letter referred. All the papers relating to these events had been placed before the House. As to the Chatham Island prisoners, had Captain Biggs been successful in arresting their progress he would have been safe, but if he had not made the attempt, he or the Government would have been charged with pusillanimity. The want of success made all the difference. There had been received a telegram. Mr. Fox : Who is the telegrammer ? The Hon. Mr. Richmond : It is an official telegram from Captain Biggs. He said the Hauhaus were badly off for food ; that there was anxiety among the whites at a particular place. He thought that the Government and the country had some reason to complain of the hon. member for Napier. Had that hon. gentleman mentioned what was at his heart there would havo been explanation. But he (Mr. Richmond) could not enter upon the consideration of the annexation of the particular district on grounds different from those taken by Mr. Whitaker. Mr. M'Lean: I distinctly said that I would not go outside the bounds of my own province ; and that I would have nothing to do with the matter. The Hon. Mr. Richmond : The hon. gentleman remembers what he ought to have said (Oh, oh). Mr. M'Lean : I did say it. The Hon. Mr. Richmond: Many of the districts of the Waikato were more exposed than those mentioned at Hawke's Bay. The hon. member for Mataura had shown the leading requisite of an orator — audacity. If any change could bring an end to the present con fusion he would be glad to leave the position he held. Storms were rising. It was not by votes of alarm the colony was to be defended, but by hon. members putting their hands into their pockets. It could not come to pass that the pakeha must retiro before the face of Titokuwharo. That would be agreed. The danger must be met like men, and that was the only chance to save the country from very terrible disasters. (Cheers.) The House rose at ten minutes past 12 o'clock.

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Bibliographic details

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 12, Issue 984, 3 October 1868, Page 3

Word Count
3,060

TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22. Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 12, Issue 984, 3 October 1868, Page 3

TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22. Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 12, Issue 984, 3 October 1868, Page 3