THE LABOR CAMPAIGN

Gisborne Times, Volume LI, Issue 5344, 3 December 1919, Page 5

THE LABOR CAMPAIGN

i MR T. BRINDLE EXPOUNDS THE | ' PARTY’S POLICY.

NATIONAL PROBLEMS THROUGH LABOR SPECTACLES.

HIS CLAIM OF “NEW IDEAS FOB YOUNG PEOPLE.”

j . There was a crowded attendance i in His Majesty’s Theatre last even- | mg, when Mr. T. Brindle, the Labor i candidate, opened his campaign for the Gisborne seat. The Mayor (Mr. G. Wildish) presided. Mr. Brindle said that although an outsider at present . he thought that lie would be an insider on December 17, if the electors did their, duty. (Applause.) He opened his remarks with a reference to what he described as the capitalistic press. In Gisborne, the capitalistic press was, he said, trying to prejudice the minds °r .the people hv quoting remarks which had grown stale. The Labor party’s propaganda had been able to a large extent to destroy the superstition that surrounded the capitalistic press. The people who wrote these things were very ordinary persons—many of them. Many of them scribbled for a dinner like otlie* workers because they had no choice. A look at the lists of the shareholders of the papers in Gisborne showed that they had to. for if they favored Labor they would probably lose their jobs. Labor did not want to take away any notice of those sayings, and the people, lie thought, now realised that the press as an instrument of salvation had passed out of existence. To progress, the people would have to rely upon their own organisations. The press referred to sane j Labor—lie thought that it meant in- i sane Labor. The people who wrote j so glibly about Labor terms were standing upon the necks of the public.

NEW IDEAS WANTED

The old parties, he contended, miserably failed to do the -work of the public. The men sitting in Parliament were legislating for the middle of the eighteenth century. It was regrettable to see young people with old ideas. He had been in the legislative houses of New Zealand and had seen men there get up drunk. These parties called themselves Liberal and Reform—Tory was a better name—for in principle they were both the same. The struggles which it was pretended had taken place had always beeu fo. j elitical ends. _ The new struggle wnici was being initiated was a struggle for industrial emancipation. Promises had been tlie chief stock-in-trade of the. present parties. They would promise anything to get into power, hut when they were in, they had not the will to do anything. The Labor party had never yet had the opportunity, and if for no other reason that would be sufficient for him to ask for a chance. LIKE A DAMP SQUIB.

Sir James Allen had said that the National Government had _ worked hard—so they had, and so did wolves work hard picking the bones of those whom they devoured. The National Government had failed, and no one could find a word to say for it. There was a national debt of £100,000,000 or more. Probably in about 18 or 20 years that would have been paid off in interest, but the £100,000,000 would still be owing. Sir Joseph Ward tried to make a dramatic exit from the National Government —one of the meanest political tricks ever played in this country—but it had fallen like a damp squib. Sir Joseph Ward was equally guilty with the other party. The action of the National Government in voting themselves two years’ extra life was most undemocratic and almost tyrannical. A POSITION OF SERVILITY.

Dealing with the imposition of conscription, he said that the man who would impose conscription should be manly enough to take its consequences—the destruction of democracy. It put people in a position of serviiVoices: Rot; (and applause). Mr Brindle added that Mr. Asquith* had said that conscription was not a military necessity. Sir Joseph Ward had said that conscription was Prussian militarism. Conscription for wealth was a different matter. Sir Joseph Ward said that that was impossible. So they took the young lives of the country, but they did not take the wealth. The war had been a good thing for the profiteers, for it enabled them to heap up treasure or which thev had not dreamt before. During the actual years of the war, every bullet that whistled sang a song of profit to the profiteers. The National Government , ha £ allowed England to be charged £16,7e>0,000 more for wool than Germany paid her before the war, and £6,700,tXX) more for meat. . They would have charged more, said Sir Joseph Waid and Mr. Massey, when they got back from England, but for the serious competition in the , Argentine. (Laughter.) Yet they had been Home to win the war! (Laughter.) At the same time we had been reading that in England children of the workers had been standing in queues from earlv dawn waiting for a piece of stale bread while the children 01 the wealthy were in their feather beds dreaming of fairy god-mothers. He did not object to that, hut he wanted to see that all the children could dream of their fairy godmothers. It was the old story of the golden cup for the rider of a race and the lash for the faithful steed.

SOME STATISTICS. From 1902 to 1918 land values increased in this country by 160 millions. In 1918 the number of estates left by death was 3873, while 6655 people died leaving nothing, except perhaps a few bad debts. The total value of the estates left was £9,742,072. Seventy-four people had died leaving estates averaging £50,000. Figures showed that there were 256,000 with incomes below £3OO per year, many of them with about per week. VALUE OF THE SOVEREIGN. In New Zealand the rich were getting richer and the poor were getting poorer. The purchasing power of the sovereign was now £llos I***. The speaker’s attention was drawn to the. fact that there was something wrong with that statement. Mr. Brindle: Any intelligent person* knows what I meant. (Laughter ) He continued: The struggle for’ existence was becoming keener 'and keener. In Gisborne it was perliaps not jo plain as elsewhere in New Zealand. New Zealand was rapidly approaching the condition ot the older countries, where there was poverty stalking hand in hand with vulgar riches. In the cities m New Zealand to-day it was seen that boys souls were not considered worth saving, and girls’ flesh was cheaper than roses.

HOUSING—A BIG PROBLEM. The housing of the people in this country was terrible. -There were in New Zealand only 56,000 houses owned by their occupiers. The great majority of people lived under mortgages and rents. In Wellington he had known eight families to live in an eight-roomed house. Privacy and decency were impossible. ..In Wellington there were 40 houses on one acre, and there were people m Wellington who did not have the same air space as was given to criminals in gaols. He hated the'term "workers’ dwellings.” If anyone should have a good home, it should be the worker, to give them good conditions. In the Housing Apt there were some good provisions, in fact in many Bills there were good provisions ; hut what they lacked was sympathetic administration. It was inhuman to ask workers to live m homes provided under subsidy by

then - employers, when, by a whim, one man could turn them out in the cold. Thousands of people in New Zealand wanted better homes better food, better clothes. The housing conditions were due to many reasons, one of which was land aggregation. A few men were driving people right down into the cities, and were causing danger to the little children who had to grow up in those conditions. A TILT AT MR, LYSNAR.

He had heard about a man ,■ who had recently bought 9000 acres for 30s per acre. / A voice: “W.D.^ Mr. Brindle asked what sort of legislation could be expected of a man of that character. He would only make legislation to benefit landlords. A voice: The King-maker. Mr. Brindle: I believe he can do a lot of things. EDUCATIONAL CONDITIONS.

Education was very important to the Labor movement. They wanted to see children get the best education to fit themselves for life. He often wondered how the young men and women teachers carried on under their conditions. Smaller classes and better salaries were required for teachers. The subject was very important. The teachers were being paid in a, manner which was a disgrace. It should be one of the best paid professions. Some of the schools were a disgrace to civilisation, and were in many cases insanitary. How could children get an education under conditions like this ? Mr Pirani, the Liberal candidate in Wellington Central and a member of the Wanganui Education Board, had said that he would rather see the walls of the Foxton school covered with 50,000 indecent pictures than have a small German piano in the building. What did they think of that? Another thing that was wanted _ was free medical inspection for children in the schools. It would he a good tiling, and it would not undermine moral force as many people said it would. “NO MILITARISM IN THE 1 SCHOOLS.”

The Party also advocated the replacement of military instruction in schools by instructors in useful thought. To find heroes, it was not necessary to go to the battlefield. This world was getting nearer to the day when wars on the battlefields would .be no more. The children wanted to know something more and something higher, and the people of New Zealand did not want it in their educational curriculum. From a proper educational system better things would arise. INDENTURED LABOR DENOUNCED.

He also referred to the question of indentured labor in Samoa. Mr. Massey said there could be no slavery under the British flag. The Labor party said that indentured labor under any flag was slavery. The people of New Zealand did not stand for identured labor, yet it had been done in the name of New Zealand.. Think of the atrocities for which it had been responsible in other parts of the world. He referred to the Belgian atrocities in the Congo. He hoped that the people would see to this matter, and the people could only fight against it by sending to Parliament the men who had fought on every occasion against indentured labor. The Labor movement would fight it in or out of Parliament, and be thought that every man and woman who loved justice, liberty and progress would fight against it. The only argument which Sir James Allen could bring forth was, “Germany did it.” It was only a step from Samoa to New Zealand, and once it came to New Zealand, the people would be sorry. In England years ago children from the workhouses were put into the mines and industries, and it was said at that time that to take them away would mean the stopping of the industries. The Samoans were the best judges of the kind of labor they wanted in their little country. It was not for us to say. Who was to get the benefit of the indentured labor but the men who were wanting an avenue to invest the millions which thev had plundered during the war ? The people would get no benefit, but they would share the disgrace.

THE PARTY AND MILITARY TRAINING.

Referring to military training Sir James Allen had favored four months’ training. He (the speaker) said that the Labor party was right out against it. Sir James Allen had pledged New Zealand to gave an expeditionary Force of 8000 men—in order to get a loan, he thought. That 8000 men had not only crossed the sea, they had also crossed the grave and another 8000 besides. It could j be seen from the Peace Conference that under these conditions, in a few years there would he another drench of blood. He wanted new ways, ways of trusting the people, instead of pledging the people behind their backs. The Labor party stood for such democracy. Yet there was no chance of workers being admitted to the diplomatic services. The Labor party wanted to do away with that system. New Zealand was a new country and here every man and woman over 21 had a vote. No bloody revolution was needed here to get a vote. All th<it was required was that the people should vote straight, the only revolution being the intellectual revolution. The people had seen all the vast improvements which had taken place along the ages and same day there would be social democracy and the heritage would come back to all and the milliard monarchs would claim their own. (Applause.) Mr D. W. Coleman said that some time ago it had seemed that it would not he likely that there should be a Labor candidate, but so insistent had been the demand, that, the party had decided to contest the seat. As the result of that the official Labor candidate was upon the platform. The party could not go to. its members for large cheques, but it wished to take up a collection to assist in financing the campaign. He did not know whether £SO could he secured hut they would try. There were men and women in the town who felt that they could not vote for either Mr. Lvsnar or Sir James Carroll. The Labor party had provided a cand'date for them. Financial assistance was however, required. The Labor party wanted to embalm, cremate and bury the Liberal and the Beform parties.

QUESTION TIME. you make an official statement on the attitude of the Labor party with respect, to Prohibition r was the first question. Mr Brindle, in reply, said that the party took up the attitude that whatever the people decided-on they would have to have. The party believed in preferential voting on the three issues. "Do we or do we not live under a constitution?” a voice inquired from the back of the hall. . "Certainly,” replied Mr. Brind e. The questioner proceeded to mane some more remarks, when he was interrupted by those on the platform. Voices: Give him a hearing. We gave your man one. The Mayor: I do not know about "my man.” Every candidate will have a hearing from me. The questioner made another attempt, but Mr. Brindle remarked that he was making a speech and not asking a question. Accordingly other questions were invited. , "Will you enlighten the audience as to whether the New Zealand Labor party agreed with the action of the editor of the _ Maoriland Worker in using the official columns of the paper to advocate Prohibition?” was the next.

Mr. Brindle said that what appeared in the Worker was not official as far as the Labor party was concerned. It was the editor’s personal opinion. It was tlie wrong thing to do to put it there as tho attitude of the parly. Personally he had no objection to it as he was an abstainer. His advice was never to touch the drink. The Labor movement was a democratic movement. They believed that the majority should rule. It was a grievous fault that the article should have appeared in the name of the party, and he did not think thatit would occur again. Someone clso asked who was the Tory, Sir Joseph Ward nr Mr. Massey ? (Laughter.) Mr. Brindle: l"ou have set me a task. I cannot toll you. The only difference is that one is “in” and the other is “out.’ (Laughter.) A question which was only heard with difficulty appeared to be to the effect, “What hardship would it be for a young man to have military training?”

Mr Brindle said that the only hardship would be taking away the individuality of the man. because when a man came under military discipline he must not think, he must merely obey. That was a hardship which the Labor party did not stand for. (Applause.) Another asked whether it was not a drastic proposition to wipe out indentured labor altogether. Why could not the conditions of labor in Samoa be investigated so that perhaps an improvement could be effected? He believed that under the German scheme the kanakas were paid about 4a a month, which was not slavery, but if the conditions were better perhaps it would be workable. Mr Brindle said that that was the point of view of those, who were responsible for imposing it! In Eastern Samoa, which was under the United States rule, there were the United States labor haws, so why should not Western Samoa he under the New Zealand labor laws?

The next question was: If military training were stopped altogether, what would be done if other countries attacked us ?

Mr. Brindle said that he thought the other countries would be doing the same tiling as New Zealand. In Italy and France the Socialists were winning out. Tlie newspapers said that they were moderate men hut they were just the same as the Labor men in New Zealand. They weie winning in England, fur Mr Arthur Henderson had succeeded against the combined forces of capital, press and anti-Bolshevism. Of course be was opposed to Mr. Fisher, who used to be in New Zealand. There was no solution outside Labor and the Socialist movement. Thev wanted to introduce new things which vquld sweep awav for ever the menace of war between nations. In reply to a question receding Sir Joseph Ward’s policy towards t! e party, Mr. Brindle said that S:: Joseph Ward was far' from being a Labor man. It was true he bad taken planks from theb platform, hut lie would not seriously endeavor to put them into law. Another question was asked regarding medical treatment for children, and Mr. Brindle stated that the party believed in organisation ic-r health. There had. been no organisation for health when :he epidemic occurred twelve months ago. Ac believed in the nationalisation of the medical service of the country. Mr A S. Richards moved a hearty vote of thanks and confidence in Mr Brindle. His speech was a departure from political speeches, which m toe past had consisted of a seatning denunciation of one party av‘um-t i brother. Mr Richards was full ot optimism, for he knew the Labor party stood far the best in the interests of everyone in New Zealand. AiiBrindle’ and all men .yho thoughc along the same line as lie oid vou.; ultimately reach the high places o> authority. A group (J Labor r-en in Gisborne had some 1- me ago caled a meeting just about the tune the Meat Commission was estabJisned. The Gisborne people did not respond, but the Labor people told them, before the Commission sat what tlie Commission told them afterwards. He bad great pleasure in moving the vote. ~ The motion was seconded by M • R. Cogar, who said that lie had been very pleased indeed to listen what Mr. Brindle bad said The motion was carried unam mously. and cheers were given fo La A°vote of thanks was passed to the chairman.