PETAIN TRIAL

Greymouth Evening Star, 24 July 1945, Page 5

PETAIN TRIAL

KEEN FEELING IN FRANCE DEAL WITH HITLER (N.Z.P.A. Special Correspondent) (Rec. 9.45 a.m.) LONDON, July 23. The eyes of Europe to-day are on Paris, where the trial of Marshal Petain has begun. There is tremendous interest throughout France as this old and formerly greatly respected man stands before a jury of 32, accused not only of unnecessarily surrendering to the Germans in 1940 and subsequently pursuing a deliberate policy of collaboration with the Nazis, but also with having before the war envisaged France’s defeat and having planned a coup d’etat in 1940, while still a servant of the Third Republic. To gain some idea of what this means in the eyes of the average man and woman in France, it is as though General Eisenhower, in 25 years from now, could ever - be accused of “selling out” America, for instance, to the Japanese in order to become President, or Marshal Montgomery were ever to be accused of parleying with the Germans in order to become Prime Minister. Both possibilities are unthinkable.

But in effect that is the position in which Petain, who ranked as high in French esteem a quarter of a century ago as Eisenhower and Montgomery do in their own countries today, stands at present. This trial is a heavy brooding moment for France and thoroughly in keeping with the rather gloomy mood of French people to-day, and the sense of disillusionment which weighs heavily on the nation. French people openly admit that the nation requires some kind of electric shock to stir it to life again. Men and women who fought with the Maquis are quite frank in admitting that the idealism which was the central flame of their resistance against the Germans throughout the war, seems at least temporarily to have been lost. The people as a whole seem tired and unresponsive. They lack adequate rations, the country urgently needs raw materials, and though the transport system has greatly improved there is still much to be done. Petain entered the court at noon wearing the insignia of Marshal of France. He stood facing the Tribune as Judges in scarlet and ermine robes entered the Court. The 24 members of the jury looked down on Petain, grim-faced. As soon as the Judges were seated, Mornet, who is stated to have been preparing for the trial lor more than five years, began reading the indictment charging Petain with the betrayal of France and intelligence with the enemy. The Court was crowded soon after 11 a.m. Detectives were posted discreetly in every part of the room, hundreds of armed gendarmes formed a solid ring immediately around the Palais, and others commanded the corners, for hundreds of yards. Marked interest is being evinced in the trial in London where it is properly counted as one of the many strange events of a strange era. It is pointed out that a Marshal of France is a great personage, perhaps the greatest of all in a country like France, where the army, more than any other national institution, has seemed to symbolise the whole genius of the French people. The ‘Daily Telegraph” sums up the British feeling when its says: “The necessity for trying him is as regrettable to most Frenchmen as to the friends of France in Britain, who all hope the proceedings will be calm, dignified and dispassionate." , . ~ The Court overruled the objection, and ordered the trial to proceed.

POLITICAL PROSPECTS How far France has moved to the Left is stated to be difficult to estimate. It is said that the results of the municipal elections give no clear indication, since not only all the results have not been tabulated, but no candidates presented any particular programme to the electors. The opinion is? generally expressed that France, to-day. is in one of her most difficult periods, and what is being watched for closely is whether the underlying desire for her renaissance will be forceful enough to throw oft the present dull,' heavy mood. One indication of this desire is the pride of people in the new French Army and" the scenes which accompanied the celebration of July 14. The general overriding wish Is to see France strong again with firm international prestige, and it is this very spirit which broods so fiercely over such incidents as those wTth the British in the Levant, Syria, and the Americans at Strasbourg, while many resent the fact that France was not invited to attend Potsdam. There is no doubt that the average french person is convinced that Britain desires to oust France from the Levant and Syria, while she has not the slightest intention of relaxing her own strongly entrenched position in the Middle East. It has made them very cynical. Another thing that France is watching closely is the subject of reparations from Germany, and the Allied "handling of German industries. They naturally want to see their own industries re-established before those in Germany. Some even suggest that the international cartel system may favour getting Germany going again before countries like France. Again, some French people are very cynical of other Powers’ interest in Europe, averring America has practically bought out Italy, while Britain is strongly entrenched in Belgium. Whether this is so, it is one ol the reasons why General de Gaulle is admired for “standing up” to America and Britain, refusing to be dominated and, insisting on complete independence of action. People are frankly dreading /he next Winter, for while the crops are fair, there is harvest failure in North Africa, which means that corn must, eventually be exported there. Coal production is low and, as far as getting raw materials into the country is concerned, French ships are still in the Allied pool, where presumably they will remain until the end of the Japanese war. it is realised and admitted that the average Frenchman has become so used to avoiding work under,German rule that it has now become a habit which it is difficult to change. The over-all position is aggravated by the complicated political position and the fact, that until next Spring. France will not have a settled government, due to the fact that details of the new Constitution have to be decided. The general desire is for a new kind of Constitution, but whether it will be a modification ot that of 1875, comprising two assemblies. or entirely new and comprised of one assembly only, is undecided. The election is not till October and several months will elapse before the new type of Constitution will be evolved. De Gaulle remains the only political figure of consequence in France, and although he is much criticised and although some express the opinion that he should eschew politics it is generally agreed there is a gap I'etween him and the next possible leaders such as Bidault. It is said that de Gaulle is of no particular party, though perhaps he is closest in thought to the Christian Socialist Party, of which Bidault, is leader. Thorez is the Communist leader, but while his party is emphasising the theme of "France’s renaissance, some views of the party leaders are not acceptable to the rank and file. The Radicals are led by Herriot and the Socialists by Blum, Auriol and Paul Boncour, but it is the opinion that men like Herriot and Blum are now dated, and therefore lack prestige.

SCENES AT TRIAL. INNOCENCE PROTESTED. (Rec. 10.40 a.m.) LONDON, July 23. “The inauguration of Petain’s personal rule was'the final realisation of a long prepared plot against the Republican regime in France,” declared Andre Mornet, the 80-year-ol'd prosecutor, when the aged Chief of me French State during the German occupation faced his Judges on charges of treason in the Palais de Justice, Paris, this morning. When the indictment was read, Petain rose and protested his innocence. “While de Gaulle was fighting for France outside the country, I was fighting inside France, to prepare for victory,” declared Petain. “I always fought France’s enemies. It was the French people who gave me whatever power I had. This coui’t does not represent the French people. It has not been appointed or elected by the Assembly. I never led a die-, tatorship. I ask France not to forgetwhat I did in 1916. I did not want power. Everyone asked me to assume power. I thought at that time an armistice was indispensable to save France.” Petain said that these would be his only words during the trial. “The occupation compelled me against my will and against my feelings to say things and accomplish things which caused me greater suffering than these caused you. I know that millions of Frenchmen are thinking of 'me who gave them confidence, and remained loyal to me. For them, as for many throughout the world, I represent a tradition of French and Christian civilisation, fronting the excesses -of all tyrannies. My life matters little. If you condemn me let that be the last. Let no other Frenchman be condemned a prisoner for having obeyed orders from his lawful chief. \ I say before the whole world you are sentencing an innocent man, although you believe you spoke in the name of justice. It would be an innocent man who would carry the burden-r-be-cause a Marshal of France asks mercy from nobody. Your judgment will be answered by God and by posterity. These will -suffice for my conscience. For my memory, I leave it to France.” Petain concluded: “I did treat with the enemy. It was to spare you. I surrendered nothing essential to the enemy, although we had daggers at our throats,”

Mornet, when there were frequent interruptions from the body of the court, declared: ‘There are too many Germans in this courtroom.” This resulted in a wild scene which prevented Petain from continuing. There were jeers and catcalls, whereupon the Bench ordered the court to be cleared, and armed police began making arrests among the spectators. Black-robed lawyers struggled with the police to enter the courtroom and effect the release of those arrested. The police then arrested the lawyers who had protested, but they maintained they were immune within the courtroom, and refused to leave unless given an assurance they would not be arrested. Guards at the outset of the melee immediately hustled Petain out, overturning tables and chairs in the hurry. Bedlam prevailed for a period, with spectators furiously waving invitation cards under the noses of the police, who were trying to> eject them. Newspapermen, court officials and witnesses were clambering on to chairs and tables and even the Judges’ Bench to watch the scuffle. Order was restored within 25 minutes.

Mornet said that none of the pleas Petain was expected to put up in his defence stood up to scrutiny. These ■ were that he was not responsible for his Government’s acts, and that he played a double game with tfie Germans by paying them lip service while really sympathising with the Allies. Mornet produced a document which accused Petain of using his post as French Ambassador at Madrid "to obtain financial assistance and the promise of military aid.” The same document said that Petain and Hitler had drawn up terms of an armistice between France and Germany early in the war, with General Franco as intermediary, but Hitler had not kept his promises. The document was a record of the interrogation of Alibert, former Minister of Justice, who was now believed to be in hiding. The defence challenged the competence of the Court, declaring that a Magistrate of the High Court had taken the oath of allegiance to Petain. The prosecution replied that the oath had no value, as the country was then under the law of the enemy. REYNAUD’S EVIDENCE.

Petain’s refusal to answer questions was something in the nature of throwing a spanner in the machinery of High Court procedure. It prevented the Judge proceeding with the interrogatory which is an essential part of any French trial and normally precedes the hearing of witnesses. M. Reynaud therefore took the witness stand unexpectedly early. “If there is an accused in this case, there is also a victim—France,” said Reynaud. Both Weygand and Petain entered his Government knowing of the existence of the AngloFrench agreement, and not a sign of a separate armistice. Weygand’s plan could not be carried out because the British Army retired 25 miles. Vichy propaganda for the four years thereafter claimed that Britain had betrayed France. “This allegation is not worth more than most other Vichy allegations. I advise critics to go slow and await’the verdict of history. for there was the fact that German panzers were running ahead beyond St. Quentin. I, to my surprise found Petain and Weygand together urging an armistice, and when I wanted to prepare for war from North Africa, the General Staff had nothing but objections. Weygand’s idea was to preserve the army with the view to preserving order in France.” Reynaud branded Petain as a traitor. “Facts prove that Petain took part in the plot. When he took power, I despised him. To-day I pity him. I made the mistake of thinking Petain and Weygand would put patriotism before political passions and ambitions. All France made this mistake, but I was chief, therefore I was responsible. There were no grounds for France seeking an armistice. I told Mr. Churchill and Lord Halifax at Tours I would never capitulate, but I begged Mr. Churchill not to abandon France if another Government should capitulate. The gen-erous-hearted Churchill said ‘Yes. If Britain wins, France shall be restored to all her former greatness.’ But this did not mean the British Government authorised France to conclude an armistice. That is untrue.” The trial was adjourned.