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SAMOAN CRISIS

The frtqnent interjections when Uio Prime Minister was explaining the Samoan Bill in the House on t.he second reading showed Hie keen interest taken in the matter on nil tides. Mr Coates endeavored to keep to what ho declare t was the dear issue. Who is to govern in Samoa? There was a fusillade of questions alter Mr Coates had referred at length to what had been done in improving medical, educational, reading, and other facilities. New Zealand, he said, had spent her own money without stint and without advertising the fact. There had been a 50 jer cent reduction in infant mortality within three years. Mr Glenn (late Junior Government Whip): All part of your job. Yon can’t mention that. Mr Coates; I beg your pardon. Mr Glenn: All part of your job. Mr Coates went on to rd'er to the medical work and the training of nurses. Mr Parry (Auckland Central): What has that tc do with the Bill? Mr Coates said it went to show what Kqw Zealand's activities had been. Mr Joidan (Manukan) interjected hat the Prime Minister was showing :nly the good work The Prime Minister said the thing to he done was to discover whether the action of any section of the community was threatening that good work, 'tributes had been paid by medical people to New Zealand’s work in Samoa. Mr M‘Combs: Do they believe in deportations? Mr Coates: They have borne testimony to what has been done.

Mr D. Sullivan '.Avon) asked ho.v tiie present record of progress compared with what was done under tho previous Administration. “Oh, shut up!” ennio in a slags whisper from the Ministerial benches. (Much laughter.) The Premier finally endeavored to show what was at the bottom of the agitation. The Administrator’s attitude in making advances on native copra and in helping the Samoans to profitably market their product might, he suggested, be at the bottom ot the trouble. The matter had gone too far, and tho Government would go straight ahead. They would give the people opposed to the Government of Samoa as fair a trial as possible, but it was for them to get “on side” It was proposed to give in the Act a power which nobody in New Zealand sliowki have, but it was justified by the situation.

Mr L vsnar: Why not wait until tho petition is heard 5 Mr Coates: We cannot wait. Wo have made up our mind- what should be done. We have all the information, and weakness should not be shown at ibis stage. ft is obvious that there cannot be tivo or three Administrators in Samoa. There is some passive resistance in many villages. It is serious, and must be dealt with. The Premier’s reference to Prohibition drew a retort from Mr Holland: “That is clouding the issue.” Mr Coates; My friend knows perfectly well that -Prohibition is at tho hack of it, and I tell him that so far ns the Government is concerned Prohibition in Samoa has come to stay. (“ Hear, hear.”) Mr Holland: Does not the Premier knew that all sections of tho House ngreo that Prohibit ion has come to Utay ?

The Primp. Minister added thab the efforts of the Administrator in helping the natives to market their copra must tome into conflict with traders. “ And that is at the back of it as well.” Mr Holland (Leader of the Opposition) declared that throughout' the civilised world the name of New Zealand was a byword because of this legislation. He had never heard a mere lame statement from the Prime Minister, who sidestepped every demand to know what was the substance of the Administration’s complaint. It came down to the point that if anyone criticised the Administration he could be banished This was an outrage, and no power under the mandate cmild justify it. The League of Nations would not justify the Administrator being judge, jury, and executioner. It was said that the situation was grave, and that was a fact, because there had been a. score ,of banishments during the last four years. The consequent was that thousands of Samoans stood in hostility to New Zealand’s administration. Mr Nosworthy (Minister of External Affairs): That is contrary to fact.

Copra and Liquor the Causes Ministers Indict Citizens’ Committee N.Z.’s Policy “Samoa For Samoans” Traders’ Business Hurt [From Odb I'akliamentart Reporter.] WELLINGTON, July 22. At 3.15 this morning the Samoa Amendment Bill passed its second reading by a 43-13 majority, after a keen debate, in which the plenary powers conferred of deportation and banishment were warmly denounced by the Opposition. Ministers stated that it was the only way to check the incitement to the natives to resist authority.

MINISTER ON CAUSES SAKCANS TOLD TO DEFY GOVERNMENT “There are two or three points behind this trouble,” declared Mr Koswortliy, who, during the course of his speech, gave what he called the political pedigrees of the Citizens’ Committee. Continuing his information regarding the reasons for the agitation, lie remarked: “One cause is the liquor trade, wjilch is a settled matter so far as the Government is concerned, but is not a settled matter to those who want tho restrictions removed. The second cause is the copra trade, Tho present Administrator has enabled the natives to make such headway in the disposal of their copra that it is only a matter of continuation of this policy when it must eliminate the white trader from the copra business of Samoa. We as a Government have to pursue a policy of Samoa for the Samoans. (‘Hear, hear.’) Land held by the Crown as reparation estates will, owing to tho increase in population, in duo course require to be subdivided for the Samoan, people to enable them to make a living.” Mr Lysnar: "Why do you deport Samoans? Mr M'Combs: And import Chinamen? INCITEMENTS TO NATIVES

The Minister ignored interruptions, and proceeded to deal with the personal aspect of the agitation. Finally ho quoted telegrams from the Administrator to show that since he (the Minister) had issued his final warning to the Citizens’ Committee on June It! the Administrator was not satisfied that the committee had ceased its activities in regard to the native people. The Administrator had -further cabled: “Have every reason to believe that the European Committee has asked Samoans under its influence to resist the Government authorities, and not to clean the villages or to pay taxes. I have received a telegram from Mataafa, the Faipnle for Aleipata district, which begins: ‘ I wish to inform you that the people of Aliepata, who are members of the Man movement, are saying that they have been instructed by their leader not to attend your reception (that is, your malaga) now pending, and not to obey the Government officials, nor clean the villages or plantations, nor search for beetles, nor pay Government taxes, etc., but appoint a committee of their own pulcnus (village mayors) and run their own show.’ This information D confirmed from other districts.” The Minister added that the Samoa ‘Guardian,’ promoted by tho Citizens’ Committee, had deliberately (looted Ids warning, circulating articles in Samoa grossly misrepresenting the facts, ami holding the Minister and the officials up to ridicule. “And,” said the Minister, “ the most daring of all is an article purporting to be the comm it tee’s Samoan supporters’ farewell address to Mr Nelson, stating: ‘ We put our trust in Heaven until our chairman (Mr Nelson) receives thekava (title) now given to the. Governor of this territory.’ “This,” concluded Mr Nosworthy, “is a direct incitement to tho native people to depose the New Zealand Administrator and'place Mr Nelson in his stead.”

PLENARY POWERS SCOPE OF THE BILL A LONG DEBATE [Pei: United Press Association.] WELLINGTON, July 22. The Prime Minister moved the second reading of the Samoa Bill, which, he said, provided for the deportation of Europeans and the banishment of natives who were, in the opinion of the Administrator, dangerous to the-peace and good order of the islands. Before these drastic steps could, however, be put into effect the matter had to be referred to the Governor-General in Council, and, if approved, would then take effect. There was power under the mandate to do this. Similar powers had been taken by the United States, France, Germany, Spain, Australia, India, and Egypt, ana in these instances there was no right of trial. Looking at the matter from the Samoan point of view, there was grave danger of a serious position arising Charges had been made against the Administrator which were untrue ajid misleading, and they had circulated to Geneva, where they were calculated to do great harm. New Zealand’s administration had been conducive to great good to the Samoans. New Zealand’s reputation as a wise and just trustee was at stake. This was the rcsopnsibility of the Government, which had the welfare of the Samoan people closely at heart. This was admitted by the Citizens’ Coimmuee itself. It'a Iso admitted that under New Zealand’s administration the Samoans had benefited and made progress. He outlined the advantages which, lie claimed, had resulted from New Zealand’s administration.

Mr U. Ji. Holland (Loader of the Opposition) asked what were the interferences which the Government feared. Tho Prime Minister said that the hon. gentleman should know what they were, but if he did not there would be other speakers who would explain that. He defended the method of communication between tho Samoans and tho Administrator by a Fono of Faipules. It was the method which the Samoans themselves wanted, and that was why the Samoan Act was not being carried out in its entirety. The criticism that the expenditure had been extravagant simply meant that New Zealand was not stinting its outlay for the benefit of tho Samoans. The money spent on the medical service was money well spent in view of the astonishing results. Banishment for offences was an old custom well understood hy the natives, and failure to adopt it would bo regarded by them only as weakness. The Administrator’s action in assisting the natives in the matter of trading their copra might possibly be at the back of some of the difficulty which had arisen. The Samoans were addicted to politics. They were hyper-sensitive, and were extremely susceptible to intrigue. He related tho story of a ehiel who was deported by the Germans, and lie asked the House to say whether they wanted to return to that state of things. If not they must keep one main point in view, and flint was the good of the Samoans. Those who wore opposing the Administration must realise that the opposition had gone far enough. It could go on no longer. The Government was going straight ahead, and would deal with the situation on the linos laid down in the Bill.

A REPRESSIVE MEASURE Mr H. K. Holland said that the Prime Minister had made an exceedingly lame explanation of his Bill, and a weaker effort to camouflage-his attempt to copy German methods. He declared that the Samoans did wish to he represented on tho Legislative Council. Because New Zealand’s administration# in Samoa had done certain things to the advantage of the connfry, the Government said there was to be no criticism of the Administration. He had tried to get a statement from the Minister as to what offence those people who were to he deported were guilty of, but he could get no statement. The Prime Minister had now shown the House under what part of the mandate he was acting, bind the League of Nations been told truly what was going on in Samoa? If this legislation went on, the Statute Book the Administrator would be made judge, jury, and executioner all in one. No wonder the Government objected to the questionnaire sent out by the League of Nations. The Prime Minister had not told the House that the banishments from Samoa had been going on for the past four years, and it was these banishments of chiefs which had given rise to the discontent. .He had rend the statement made by Sir Joseph Carrnthers, in which that gentleman was reported as saying the Administration in Samoa was characteristic of the methods of Moscow and had nearly caused an armed rfcing. What Britisher could approve of such methods? Tho Prime Minister did nob quote Moscow ns adopting such powers, but he got very close to it when he quoted Germany, only we were going one better even Ilian Germany. The powers asked for in tho Bill were extreme, for the order of banishment might follow if a person was guilty of hindering the Administration). hi effect, the legislation was worse than that of Germany. He complained that the Government had given tho House no information as to what tho people were doing to hinder r.lie Government, or who those people were. It had been said that German indneneo was believed to ho- tho trouble, but the fact was that; the German settlers were amongst the strongest _ supporters of New Zealand’s administration. The Bill was a repressive measure, and must be fought to its last clause.

VACILLATION DANGEROUS Mr F. J. I’olleston (Attorney-Gen-eral) said that Mr Holland had admitted that the position in Samoa was serious. Therefore it was evident that something must be done to put it rigid. It was the duty of everyone to assist the Government to do that: but' he was sorry that Mr Holland’s speech was not in the least helpful, but was an attempt to gain a party advantage. If the position in Samoa was bad, them any sign of vacillation at this time could only make bad worse. What thev were doing was perfectly legal and constitutional. Greater powers were conferred on the High Commissioner of the Western Pacific by the British Government,. and that was an answer to the statement that it was German legislation. There were ample powers under the mandate to do as they were doing. They "wore administering the country for Samoa, and they were perfectly justified in saying that if a. person 'were not desirable in Samoa he must move on. Personal rights and liberties had been clearly laid down by Mr Justice Isaacs in Australia when he held that the rights and liberties of individuals must always give way before the necessities of the State. This was not laid down in any written constitution of Australia, but was embodied in the fundamental principles of the Magna Charta. There were two methods of preserving law and order — punishment and prevention—and deportation was a preventive and precautionary measure which should be exercised by the executive, and need not be so exercised except on clear and explicit proof. Thus, according to Mr Justice Isaacs, there was an inherent right ill the State to say to any person : “ Your presence , is undesirable bore, and you must move on.” It was well known that the Samoans were

simple, child-like people, an id whoever governed must do so as a father. Ho was therefore entitled to say: “I am not going to have anyone creating trouble in my family,” and so they were asking power to take steps of a preventive character It was not possible to charge people who were making trouble in Samoa under section 101 of the Samoa Act, because then the actual seditious words would have to be proved: but a person might do incalculable harm against whom no charge of actual sedition could he proved. The Government had not brought in the Bill without consideration, and while admitting that it looked as if the Government was asking for very large powers, when they knew the lacts they would realise it could not ask for loss. Mr. IC. J. Howard fChristchurch South) sag! that Mr Bolleston had told them of the powers given to the High Commissioner of Western Samoa, but he had not told them that those powers were confined to British subjects, and did not apply to, native people, who wore not British subjects. It had been said they had reached a crisis in Samoa. He asked: ‘‘What is the crisis?” “Who is creating the crisis?” To these questions they could' get no answer. They could get no information. The Administrator had been given an Act by the New Zealand ’ Parliament to guide him, but he had not been following it. He had been a law to himself. What they should do was to find out what was the trouble in Samoa. To do that they should set up a parliamentary committee, and do jt before this drastic legislation was put into force; This Bill was a big slick, and no trouble was ever ended by a big stick. Mr E. P. Loo (Oamaru) quoted from the report made by Mr Noswortliy on his return from Samoa to show that the Samoans had not asked for representation in the Legislative Council, but desired that the Eono of Faipules should be maintained on the preseait footing.

NO NONSENSE Mr G, W. Forbes (Huninni) said the House bad very little information on the subject of Samoa, except what was supplied through the Government channels. Therefore, they ' should scrutinize this legislation keenly. At the same time they must trust the Government to administrate Samoa to a greater extent than they would in New Zealand. He was therefore disposed to give tho Government the powers it asked for, and to leave the responsibility with it. Mr W. Nosworthy (Minister of External affairs) said" it was untrue to say that 90 per eent ; of tho Samoan population was backing the Citizens’ Committee, That committee was no now affair, and when he went to Samoa lie was asked by the people there to check the activities of that committee. Their first consideration was the government of the Samoans, and if the Europeans did not like the steps tho Government was taking to effect that end they should get out. One of the troubles'in Samoa was the. liquor trade, which was settled so far ns tho Government was concerned, but not so far as some of the settlers were concerned. The Government’s interference in the copra trade was another cause of grievance, because that policy would ultimately eliminate the white trader, hut it would greatly benefit the natives. These causes had raised a protest from the Citizens’ Committee, and ho had studied that protest on the. spot, and had given the committee the Government’s answer so far as tho protest was worthy of an answer. The Minister then proceeded to read biographical particulars of members of the Citizens’ Committee, with a view to enlightening the House as to the men. who, he said, were behind the scenes and who were publicly promising to work for the good of Samoa, hut, secretly seeking to hinder the Administration by telling the people, not to kill the rhinoceros beetles, not to clean up the villages, and not to pay taxes. The Government would stand no nosense like that', because if that position were allowed to grow it would lead to revolution. One of the things for which the Citizens’ Committee was agitating was to get the natives representation on tho Legislative Council, because to do that the natives must have the franchise. That means_ they would have tho power to bring in liquor, and between liquor and franchise what sort of Government would they soon have in Samoa ?

Mr IT T. Armstrong (Christcliurcb East) said the Samoans had--the same right to differ from the Government of their country as Non- Zealanders had, .and lie would never consent to that being taken from them, nor did he believe the League of Nations would for a_ moment tolerate the powers asked for in tho Bill. Mr W. D. Lysnar (Gisborne) said he would like, to see the Government adopt a different attitude. The Government had a petition before it, but before it ascertained tho true facts it endeavored to force this measure through the House. The deportations were still going on. Four more had taken-place according to the evening paper, and people had been ordered to change their names. Air Lysnar did not think the people of New Zealand would stand for that. Personally lie had never hoard of .such a thing. Ho had kept an open mind, and had tried to find out the cause of the trouble, but he could find nothing Illuminating in the statement of the Minister of External Affairs. The Bill was unconstitutional, and contrary to the mandate, and he would not vote for it.

LAGBR AMENDMENT Air J. APConibs (Lyttelton) said the Rill was one of the most illiberal ever introduced in a British Parliament. He was convinced that the Hill should not ho rushed through in the way proposed by the Government. There should be some form of inquiry and an opportunity should be given for evidence to be heard by a committee of the House. He moved as an amendment to the motion before the House. “ That, the Bill be now read a second time,’’ “That tho Bill ho read this day six weeks.” The amendment was seconded by Air 'M, J, Savage, who said the case against the Bill Was unanswerable. Therefore they wore asking to have some inquiry into the , whole question in the hope-.that some equity would lie extended to Samoa. Air V. H. Potter said he had never believed in deportations, and although ho had listened carefully to the Prime Minister’s statement he had not yet heard any reason which had caused him to change his opinion. Air Bartrum said it was quite evident from the report submitted by the Minister that he was temperamentally unfit to settle the trouble in Spnioa.' He was domineering, overbearing, and dictatorial in his attitude towards the islanders. It was a ease of, " A r ou are the mugs but lam it.” Personally,' he would not vote to take away from anyone the British liberties of which he was proud.

SEBOKfI READING CMIED [Pan United Peeks Association.] WELLINGTON, July 23. The debate on the Bill was continued after midnight. Tho Hon. Mr Nosworthy, replying to the Leader of the Opposition, said the statement of the proportion of natives supporting the Citizens’ Committee made by Mr Nelson was altogether inaccurate. He doubted very much whether Mr Nelson would return ■to Samoa, even .if there was no prospect of deportation. The nest had. been shaken up, anti its members were fecl-

Blikc scattering. The Government not want a bomb to explode and compel it to pick tip the bite at a later date. It preferred to put the bomb out of the way before it exploded. Air Lysnar violently denounced the powers asked for in tho Bill as unreasonably arbitrary. At 2.35 a.in. a division was taken on Mr APCombs’s amendment, which was defeated by 43 to 13. The Prime Minister, in reply, said the Government had definite information that the natives were showing passive resistance to tho Administration, and that the position was so serious that the Government felt it must have the power to deal with the Citizens’ Committee, which, it believed, was the instigator of the trouble. The Bill was tho only form of power they thought would meet the situation. Air Sullivan: ” AVhat is the motive behind the Citizens’ Cnmmitr.ec in undermining the Admini.sator’s authority?” The' Prime Minister said he had already stated it,-to ho copra and liquor, if the Citizens’ Cnmniittcec could succeed in getting self-determination, then they would get iYeetrado in copra, and liquor, and that would be tho end of good order.

On'(he question that the Bill he read a second time a division was called for. when the voting was;— For 43 Against 13 The .House rose at 3.15 a.in.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ESD19270723.2.13

Bibliographic details

Evening Star, Issue 19616, 23 July 1927, Page 3

Word Count
3,958

SAMOAN CRISIS Evening Star, Issue 19616, 23 July 1927, Page 3

SAMOAN CRISIS Evening Star, Issue 19616, 23 July 1927, Page 3