TYRANNY IN RUSSIA

Evening Star, Issue 19003, 27 July 1925, Page 4

TYRANNY IN RUSSIA

COMMUNIST METHODS To-day in Russia the easy-going, broad-minded, tolerant Russian —tho kind of Russian whom some call “ lovable,” others “ hospitable,” and many regard merely as “typical”—is seldom, if ever, seen (writes the Ripa correspondent ol ‘The Times’). In llio Russian of to-day there is a narrowness and an intolerance which is akin to the dull, cold, materialist atmosphere in which he lots been steeped during the past seven years. His homo life has been destroyed, and social intercourse has become lor him impossible.

Literature and the Press arc a sort of State monopoly, under strict Communist censorship; tho theatre and opera, like the kinematograph and other forms of entertainment, are mere vehicles for the dissemination of tho doctrines of Lenin and Marx. Tho world’s masterpieces have been “ adapted ” —that is, mutilated—to convey a message of Communism. Tho libretto of Glinka’s opera ‘Life for the Tsar’ has recently been rewritten, and the opera givcn nnder tho title ‘For Sickle and Hammer.’ Operas by Mascagni, Rossini, Verdi,- Tchaikowsky, and others have boon similarly “ adapted,” and even Bhakcsepare has been garbled to serve the cause of Communism.

DESTRUCTION OF CULTURE. Tho revolution destroyed all cultural, sporting, philanthropic, and public societies grid clubs. The Soviet Government has arrogated to itself tho right to form associations. Medical, mathematical, physical, and similar societies were allowed to exist, but only under strict State control. Trade and professional associations are mere adjuncts of the Government. A degree was, indeed, issued in the N.E.P. (New Economic Policy) period (August 9, 1922) authorising the formation of private societies and clubs, but only if permission were obtained from the Gubispolkom (Executive Committee of tho Province) and the Commissariat for the Interior. Those desirous of forming an association were required to satisfy these bodies as to the aims of the society and the past and present political views and social stains of the founders. Nothing, in fact, was altered. Tho absence of free intercourse with his follow-men has numbed the senses of the educated man; its I effect has been less on tho factory workers, and still less on the peasants, upon whom the grip of Communism is not tight. In 1922 the Soviet Government began to form a number of curious “ veilj nntary ” associations, intended in an ! indirect sense to take the place of the j free political and cultural organisaI lions which persons on their own in- ' itiativo were not allowed to found. | They wore managed entirely by Com(munist committees, and were designed ito attract non-Communist elements, from which their members would bo recruited and “ voluntary ” donations collected. The “voluntary” nature of membership, however, was a mere fiction, ns in practice the Communist authorities forced, and still force, officials, workmen, peasants, and traders to join these associations in whole groups, and make them responsible for all kinds of burdensome contributions. The associations soon gained a very bad reputation; so bad, indeed, that even the Soviet Press and Communist leaders have at length considered it expedient to demand, the cessation of coercive methods which, in tho words of tlie official peasant newspaper ‘ Biednota,’ have “ filled tho peasantry with indignation and disgust.” This attitude is not peculiar to the peasantry, however; it is general also among all classes of the urban population. THE M.D.P.R. According to the same Soviet newspaper, one of the most unpopular of these association is tho M.O.P.R. (international Society for Relieving Distressed Revolutionaries Abroad), an auxiliary organisation of the Third International, with branches in every town and village, however small, of the Soviet Union. The M.O.P.R. has more than throe million members, for the most part frightened into becoming so. The ‘ Biednota ’ says this policy has made the peasants so shy that it is difficult to get them to attend meetings of any kind, lest the Communist organisers of the meeting should, as is often practised, enrol all present as members of the M.O.P.R. or somo other organisation, and decide the amount of their “voluntary” contributions. The M.O.P.R.’s one object is to encourage revolutionaries, particularly those who have fallen on bad times, in other countries. For this purpose it sends from £IO,OOO fo £20,000 abroad every month, exacted from tho small purses ot Russia’s workmen, peasants, and officials. Another “ voluntary ” association, which vies with the M.O.P.R. in tho matter of membership, is the O.D.V.F. | (Society of A viation Friends), whoso object is the creation and support of a mighty air fleet. Jt has, like the M.0.P.R., branches in all centres, each of which (or a group of smaller branches) strives fo accumulate enough money to Build one aeroplane or more. The methods of enrolling members and exacting contributions are the same as with the M.O.P.R. 1 1 is considered the mark of a good administrator to enrol (ho greatest possible number of officials, traders, and other citizens in these organisations. If anyone has the temerity to refuse he falls under suspicion, and becomes an object for tho O.G.P.U.’s (secret police’s) attentions. SOVIET ALARM.

Other noteworthy mass-organisations of this kind are the Dobrokhim (Voluntary Society for Promoting the Chemical Warfare Industry) and Doloi Negramotnostj (Down with Illiteracy). Soviet citizens, especially those who are connected in any way with the administrative machinery, must willynilly belong to five or six such societies and contribute a considerable part of their meagre salaries. In order to facilitate the exaction of this tribute from the peasantry, the “ voluntary ” subscriptions are collected together with the taxes. The zeal of the local authorities in this matter has played no small part in producing the acute discontent which is now' prevailing among the peasantry. The central authorities, as is their wont, have blamed subordinate officials for this compulsion, and have proclaimed a “ reform ” of methods. An official circular instructs local authorities to observe more caution In regard to rnass-onroliuent, and to return to tho “voluntary” basis. A maximum has been fixed for tho deductions under this head from members’ earnings; but the instructions insist upon the management of tho associations remaining in the hands of Communists, although each organisation may receive some sort of “ autonomy.” It is clear that if the instructions in the circular are really carried out the membership of M.0.P.R., 0.D.V.F., and kindred societies will quickly dwindle to something less than the number of members in the Communist Party, for these organisations are unpopular even among' rank-and-file Communists. No ordinary persuasion can avail to attract members; hut behind Communist persuasion still and always looms the dreaded Cheka, with possibilities of banishment, closing or one’s shop, and similar cogent arguments. The societies will, therefore, continue to “ flourish,” and the unfortunate Russian citizens will bo freed from such burdensome right (or duties) of association only wherl they free themselves from the present ConifuAuuak iawukujc gli.naflt.kaii>.