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GERMAN POLICY.

,THE UNDERSTANDING WITH BRITAIN.. NAVAL RIVALRF AND PROTECTION, (From Our Own Correspondent.) LONDON, 16th December. It is stated semi-officially that the portion of the Imperial Chancellor's statement which referred to the relations of Germany with England and Russia ■was the outcome of a diplomatic arrangement with London and St. Petersburg. It was a carefully- worded statement, read with deliberation :—: — " As to our relations to England and the alleged negotiations with that country for a contractural limitation of naval armaments, 1 must first point out that it is indeed publici juris that the British Government has repeatedly given expression to the idea that a determination by treaty >of the naval strength of the individual Powers would contribute substantially to the tranquilisation of | international relationships. As is well known, England gave utterance to this idea as early as the Hague Conference. Since then England _ has repeatedly mooted this idea, without, however, putting forward acceptance or positive rejection. We, too, agree with England in the wish to avoid rivalries in relation to armaments, but m the non-committal pourparlers which have, in a spirit of mutual friendship, now and then taken place, we have always placed in the foreground the idea that a frank and confiding exchange of views, and thereupon a consequent understanding as to commercial and poEtical interests on both sides, was the surest means for the removal of any mistrust as to mutual Power relationships on sea and land. Merely a continuation of an unconstrained aad trustful exchange of opinion as to all questions connected with these things is a guarantee for friendly intentions on both sides, and should gradually but surely lead to the removal of the mistrust which has unhappily often made its influence felt — not, it is true, on the Governments, but on public opinion. RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA. " Finally, gentlemen, witii regard to our relationship to Russia. The interview between His Majesty the Emperor and His Majesty the Emperor of Russia, which took place not long ago at Potsdam, passed off harmoniously, as you know from the press. The same is true with regard to the discussions between the representatives of the Government on both sides. It goes, as a matter of course, that, except perhaps in the press, world-shaking, transformations do not really result from such discussions between the representatives of Governments. And even if no discussions take place, plenty of opportunity for an exchange of ideas is afforded by the representatives of the Cabinets on both sides. The value which I chiefly see in such discussions, and especially the last ones at' Potsdam, consists in the conductors of policy getting to know one another personally, and in the possibility of summing up the exchange or ideas prepared by the ambassadors and envoys. 11 The results of the last interview I should like to describe as this : that it was once more established that both Governments will join no combinations which might have an aggressive tendency directed against others. Thus, we had in particular the opportunity of confirming that Germany and Russia have a like interest in the maintenance of the status quo in the Balkans and in the Near Orient i& general, and that consequently neither will support a poKey, from whatever quarter it might come, which should be directed towards a disturbance "of that status quo. "We spoke openly and amicably of the interests on both sides in Persia. We agreed in the idea that our common interest demands the maintenance or restoration, as the case may be, of tranquillity and order in that countiy, We must wish that our trade with Persia is not disturbed, and developed further. Russia has the same wish for her trade, but, in addition, as the immediate neighbour of Persia, she has special legitimate interests in the state of security in those portions of Persian territory which lie next to her frontiers. We gladly admit that for this purpose Russia needs special influence in North Persia, and we willingly agreed to her claim to afford her the possibility of doing justice to those problems that specially interest her as the contiguous neighbour. Russia, for her part, not only will lay no obstacles in the way of our trade, but will facilitate the construction of a connection for its introduction to Persia, so far as it goes via Bagdad to Khanikin. "We believe that this discussion arid agreement with Russia, in which a series of other q-uestions of detail were examined in a friendly manner, will ' make it easy for both Governments to come to an understanding as to all new questions which may crop up, without alteration in what has hitherto been the general Orientation of their policies. "The discussions which took place during the Potsdam interviews — in concluding my remarks, I may thus sum vp — removed apparent misunderstandings here and there, and confirmed and strengthened the old trustful relationship between us and Russia." (Cheers from the Right, Centre, and National Liberals). INTERNAL CRISIS. At the opening of the day's sitting the Chancellor had, in the course of a lengthy speech, denned his attitude towards the internal situation. They would, he said, in spite of the economy observed, find that the fears here and there expressed that their defences were being neglected, were without foundation. He continued : — "The maintenance intact of the strength and readiness of our army, and the statutory development of our fleet are demands in the programmes of all the parties which do not on principle adopt a negative' standpoint. These demands have their roots deep in the sentiments of the nation, for only strong defences enable Germany to follow that policy of calm determination which tho efficiency of the nation is justified in claiming." Turning to the fiscal question, he said : — "I will adhere with all emphasis to the well-tried foundations of our economic policy, and will specially do so in the negotiations which have already been inaugurated with Sweden and Japan for the conclusion' of new commercial treaties. . . Ask in the productive circles of our population, ask of agriculture, of industry, ask even of commerce, whether these circles wish us to abandon the foundations on which our economic life has developed, and developed brilliantly, and experiment whether things would not go on equally well otherwise. if it came to a question of bend or break the people would have nothing to do with such an experiment, for it would mean the withdrawal of solid foundations from beneath their feet." Dr. yon Bethmann-Hollweg then expounded at some length his predecessor's favourite theory that no real conflicts of interest underlie political antagonism, and that the Government stands above the various parties, the supreme and impartial arbiter of their differences. Early that morning he must havo read in his paper (says the correspondent of the Daily Telegraph) that the East Prussian, division of Labiau, which for

over 25 years had been a stronghold of Conservatism, had, with Socialist help, been captured by the Radicals with a majority of 2600. Nevertheless lie ventured to prophecy that the " Intoxication of the impending elections will pass away and, however they may fall out, they "will not be followed by a twilight of the gods. When passions have raged themselves out, the sober, everyday life, with its practical demands, will assert its claims. Catchwords will vanish into the background, and the nation in its overwhelming majority will address to the Reichstag the question whether it will protect our defensive forces and public order, the foundations on which our economic life has developed."

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/EP19110126.2.29

Bibliographic details

Evening Post, Volume LXXXI, Issue 21, 26 January 1911, Page 3

Word Count
1,253

GERMAN POLICY. Evening Post, Volume LXXXI, Issue 21, 26 January 1911, Page 3

GERMAN POLICY. Evening Post, Volume LXXXI, Issue 21, 26 January 1911, Page 3