LITERARY COLUMN.

Evening Post, Volume LXVIII, Issue 128, 26 November 1904, Page 11

LITERARY COLUMN.

NEW BOOKS AND NEW EDITIONS. SOME OCTOBER REVIEWS. Baron Suyematsu continues and concludes in tho October Nineteenth Century his narrative, "How Russia Brought on the War." The strength of his indictment is enhanced by his frequent textual citation of the Russian official notes, despatches, and communiques, and the damaging comparisons ho is enabled to draw between Russia's professed principles and her practice. The narrative proper ends with the entry of the Far Eastern question on the stage of purely Russo-Japanese negotiations. But in his brief concluding bummary of the events which occurred between October, 1903, and February, 1904, Baron Suyematsu makes two important statements; first, that "the presence of any foreign Power in Manchuria tends to become a constant menace to Korea, and the territorial integrity of the peninsular kingdom is absolutely indispensable to Japan's safety" ; and second, that the present war is not in reality a conflict which has arisen merely out of a dispute between the two combatants. "It is rather to be ascribed to tho general revolt of all tne civilised peoples of the earth against the perfidy and insincerity of Russia, who for many years has sought to outwit other Powers."" Mr. H. W. Lucy is always a bright and vivacious writer, but v.o cannot profess to be much impressed by his latest excursion into the domain of political meteorology. Lord Spencer, in his forecast, is to be a "warming-pan" Premier for a year or so. Sir Charles Dilke, whose return to Ministerial life, in Mr. Lucy's opinion, is "inevitable," is to bo Foreign Minister, Mr. Fletcher Moult on Chancellor oi: the Exchequer, and Sir Henry Camp-bcll-Banuerman Secretary for War (with a peerage). Mr. Lloyd George "might begin as Onder-Secretary to the Home Office," while Sir Robert Reid i 3 nominated for the Speakership. It will thus be seen that Mr. Lucy, as he himself admits, deals tenderly with the "Old Gang." Mr. John Morley's appreciation of Mr. Frederic Harrison's new historical romance is admirably written, and traces with great skill and sympathy what he rails "the reclamation of the low-lying lands of the Byzantine period" by Finlay, Freeman, and Professor Bury. Perhaps the most interesting feature in the article, however, is the revelation of Mr. Morley's literary and historical likes and dislikes — sometimes contained hi a single epithet, as in his' reference to Mr. Lecky as "our limpid Rationalist, ' or rising to an almost lyrical height in his tributes to tho genius of Scott, the melody of ChateauJmand's prose, and the poignancy of Thucydides's narrative of the Sicilian Expedition. Mr. Keir Hardies papev on "The International Socialist Congress" is an extremely able and temperately written survey of the progress of Socialism in the last half-cen-tury. Mr. Koir Hardies conclusion is that the carrying of the Dresden resolution — condemning the Revisionist or Opportunist doctrine — was only a Pyrrhic victory. The analysis of the voting at Amsterdam certainly supports Mr. Keir Hardies contention that, excepting Germany, and Italy, wherever Socialism is a political force Revisionism is the policy favoured. As he tersely puts it, "Socialism may keep out of politics and be frankly revolutionary, but it cannot enter politics and remain so." The article is illumined by some vivid descriptive touches, notably the passage referring to the presence at the Congress of Vera Zassulitch, who shot dead the head of the Russian police in 1878, in broad daylight, and .successfully pleaded justification for the deed : "What perhaps lends 'special interest to her presence at the Congress is the fact that it was her brother, General Zassulitch, whose death at the front was such a blow to Russian hopes in the early stages of the war with Japan."

The editor of the National Review continues his task of endeavouring to awaken public opinion to the true significance of Germany's attitude towards Great Britain. In his "Episodes of the Month" he asserts that the Germans are leaving no stone unturned to convince' France that the main object of the British Government in effecting an Anglo-French settlement was to pave tho way to an Anglo-German agreement. "Having squared accounts with France, England- might hoep to get bettor terms from Germany. This is the poisonous suggestion being disseminated in Paris, and should it succeed in its object the Anglo-French Agreement never will be ratified,' and Germany will have achieved a diplomatic triumph not unworthy of Bismarck." Proceeding on similar lines,/ "Ultor" in "England's False Friend" deals with Germany's naval policy and her recent efforts to acquire the friendship lof Russia. As to the increase of the fleet, "no well-informed man doubts that the object [of the German naval programme] is to prepare as rapidly as possible for an aggressive war with England with or without allies." The writer finds some consolation in the belief that the Defence Cou'inittco are fully alive to the significance of the German policy, and admits that there are some enlightened Russian statesmen who Jook askance at German intrigues, and would prefer an understanding between their country and Great Britain. The real danger is not, in his view, to be apprehended from Russia, but from Germany and the pro-German bout of British financiers. We regret to note, however, that in this context tho editor is beginning to betray a distinctly anti-Semitic bias — note, for example, the reference to "every Englishman who is not an ossified otficial or a German Jew" — which comes oddly from nne who bore his part so manfully in the Dreyfus affair. M. Olemenceau contributes a short but ably written paper on "Ciiurch and State in France." While admitting that the final breach has come, and while contending that the maintenance of the Concordat has been rendered impossible by the disloyalty of the clergy, M. Clomenceau looks forward to tho future not without grave misgivings : — "Tho terror of the unknown haunts the minds of both parties. The clanger to the Church ta that the State is aspiring to legitimate liberty. The danger to the State is lest she should be drawn beyond the point which is necessary to secure her own liberty, and should be tempted to threaten the liberties of others and thereby provoke a conscientious resistance. It is difficult to find the happy mean, all the more as tho education of the laity as of the clergy has, been conducted in an atmosphere of absolutism rather than of liberty." At the same time, he predicts that the Republican majority in the two Chambers will approach the question "in a lofty spirit of conciliation," and trusts to their "courage, method, and perseverance" to initiate an era of progressive pacification. -Mr. Maurice Low's review of the progress of the Presidential campaign is extremely interesting. Tho great issue before the country, in Mr. Low's opinion, is not political, but personal, and "the clforts of the Democrats to prove Mr. Roosevelt dangerous and unfitted i for the high responsibilities of office have met with signal failure." Apart from • that, the Republican organisation is vastly suparior to the Democratic, and the omen of the election of the Governor of Vermont — long recognised to forecast the size of the Republican majority at the Republican election — has confirmed the confidence of Mr. Roosevelt's supporters. Other notable points in Mr. Low's monthly review of American affairs arc his tribute to the rigid integrity, statesmanship, and oratorical gifts ot the late Senator Hoar, and his summary of Mr. Lawson's astounding revelations of the juggling of the Standard Oil clique. Though we differ strongly from the point of view of the writer, wo readily admit the 'spirit and humour of Mr. Osborn's Canadian symposium' entitled "By a Canadian Wheat Tower." :M1 the characters are "good Canadians," though hailing from Battersea, Oxford, the Black Forest, the Wild West, and the Ontario backwoods. Most of the talking is done by Perrin, an American

from the Western States, who describes Lord Hosebery as "doing a political cake-walk all the time; an elegant sideshow, but it don't catch my dune." The most notable paper in the new Contemporary is that by "Julius" on "Absolute Monarchs versus Free Peoples." Another pseudonymous writer, "Veles," discusses "Liberal Policy and tho Next Election" in a spirit which Unionist, Free-traders can find little to complain of. "Veles" abstains from any prophetic Cabinet-making ; he does not even handle the thorny question of leadership. His concern is with measures, not men, and he very properly insists on the need of concentration on a policy at once broad, constructive, and stimulating. Incidentally the writer indulges in some caustic, but, unfortunately, only too well-deserved, comment on Mr. Balfour, "the myriad-minded master of uncertainty." Dealing with Mr. Balfour's manifesto to his constituents in 1899 on the question of a Roman Catholic University for Ireland, "Veles" observes:— "He had made up his mind, he controlled a large and docile majority, he saw a way to make that majority serve the highest interests both of his party and his country : these things constituted an opportunity which would have appealed to less ardent and les senthUsiasuc natures than that of the Prime Minister. Even failure would have been magnificent, and to a man of one settled conviction a simple matter of duty. Opportunity, duty and conviction alike have been consigned to the limbo of departed things." Dr. Macnamara deals in trenchant fashion with the question of Irish education, his main line of argument being that it is an inversion of the natural order to tackle the University problem before the whole system of Irish primary and secondary education has been radically overhauled. That such overhauling is necessary he proves (1) from the reports of the Inspectors of Schools, who are practically unanimous in condemning the condition of the premises; (2) from the attendance figures, where the percentage of absences is more than double that in England and Scotland; (3) from the unsatisfactory system of finance, under which teachers, are miserably paid, while the percentage of the amount locally provided varies from a tenth to a quarter of that provided in England, Wales, and Scotland. The state of Irish intermediate education is no bettor, the financial statistics revealing the fact that nearly one-fourth of the total money disbursed is expended on examination and administration. To get rid of the overlapping and waste caused by the present system of three independent and unrelated Boards, ]Jr. Macnamara would create one Central National Council directly responsible to Parliament, while to cultivate local interest — at present non-e.\i&tcnt — he would confer local responsibility, financial and administrative, on County Councils work ing through Education Committees. Dr. Dillon's comments on the progress of the wnr arc always interesting. Discussing the probaoilities of peace, ho points out that even if Russia triumphed by I sheer weight of numbers, the prospects J would bo most formidable : — "A Japan forced to assent to a humiliating peace wiwld be a chronic danger to Russia. She would prepare for a future war with a degree of energy, foresight, and selfabnegation which would culminate in results surpassing the brilliant successes she has' scored during the past twentyfive years. In that case, not only must Russia keep a standing army of eight hundred thousand men in Manchuria ready for all emergencies, and double her military and naval Budget, but she must also transfer the centre of all her forces to the Far East and continue to lavish tho resources of the centre on the extremities of the Empire. And that is a contingency which even the Autocracy rannot face." Dr. Dillon, however, thinks it more likely that for another eighteen months the land forces on both sides will hold the balance pretty evenly, and that Russia cannot confidently hope to do more than gain a success here and there, which would leave things much as they are at present. In view, therefore, of all that the continuance of the strain means for Russia, Dr. Dillon concludes that it is safe to assume that peace is less lar off than most people imagine. — Spectator.