The Dominion FRIDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1939. PARLIAMENT AND THE WAR
On frequent occasions since the outbreak of war the British Parliament has given evidence of its determination to be kept in close touch with every department of the national. war effort, ihis attitude is a reflection of public opinion. The British people, while so.idly behind the Government’s war policy, and prepared to put their utmost energies and resources into the struggle, are anxious that there will be no repetition of the mistakes and muddlement of the past. Mi. Churchill’s first war broadcast showed that the Government had sensed and appreciated this feeling. Parliament, he declared, would be kept in session, and all scandals and muddlement fully and frankly discussed It is obvious, however, that the interests of the nation would be ill-served if in open sessions discussions took place, and information were given, which would be of value to the. enemy either as of assistance to his armed forces, or as likely to stimulate the morale of the German people. In these circumstances self-imposed restraint on criticism, and the observance of some reticence in regard to information given out by Ministers in answers to questions were clearly necessary. This has been fully ■ appreciated by Parliament, and the public. Nevertheless, there has been a feeling that in accepting these restrictions and limitations, Parliament might lose that degree of control which it was anxious to preserve. Under the War .Emergency Regulations the Government, as in other British Dominions has been vested with extraordinary and far-reaching powers, and charged with duties and responsibilities with which, in a great many instances, its administrative departments were unfamiliar and inexperienced. Vigilant supervision and a sharp check on extravagance and muddlement were essential in order that the nation s vast war expenditure should be prevented from running into wasteful and unprofitable channels. .... There has been a good deal of public criticism concerning the administration of these regulations, and indications of uneasiness in regard to expenditure. National journals of the standing of The Times and The Economist have frequently commented on particular anomalies and examples of unwise expenditure, the evidence of which could not be ignored. Two developments reflecting the public state of mind are, first, the appointment by the House of Commons of an All-Party Select Committee to examine all war expenditure and report on what economies, if any; can be made consistent with public policy; second, the summoning of a secret session of the British Parliament in response to a request from the Leader of the Opposition, Mr. Attlee, and assented to by the Prime Minister, Mr. Chamberlain. The Government from the very beginning has realized the vital importance of the party co-operation in the national war effort, and has on frequent occasions consulted with the other party leaders on questions of ' policy and administration. The secret session wil afford members an opportunity of obtaining the fullest possible information concerning matters on which they may desire enlightenment, and of voicing criticisms, unhampered by the restraints unavoidable in open sessions. . . .... The fact that the war situation in all its domestic and military aspects will be examined and discussed must be all to the good in its assurance to the public that though it may not be permitted to share in the knowledge revealed to members, Parliament at any rate is being kept fully informed. People will realize that when suggestions are made and reforms demanded thereafter, these have been formulated upon the knowledge thus gained, and they will be in greater heart to respond to any calls on their efforts in the common cause that the Government may find necessary. Here we have in Britain an illustration of democratic government adapting its procedure to emergency conditions without prejudice to the prestige, privileges and authority of Parliament, recognizing that the national interest transcends all party or personal considerations. There has been no attempt on the part of the Government to challenge or usurp the privileges of Parliament, the guardian, and the armour and shield of the people’s rights. Contrast this with the position in New Zealand. Parliament was adjourned — not prorogued — in October last after a host of emergency regulations imposing most drastic and comprehensive restrictions on the public had been forced through the Legislature by the weight of the Government’s majority in the face of strong criticism and protest. Since, then no information on important and vital issues affecting the prosecution of our war measures has been made available. to the Opposition Party, despite the Government’s acceptance of its offer of co-operation. The representatives of practically half the New Zealand electorate have been denied information made available to members of the Government Party only. The Government, in effect, has repudiated the obligation implied in its acceptance of the Opposition’s offer to co-operate. It is an extraordinary and regrettable thing that the Leader of the Opposition in a period of grave national crisis should have had to make a public and emphatic protest against the lack of information to which he and his party were clearly entitled. There are many urgent questions on which the people have a right to information and the opportunity of criticism through their representatives in Parliament. But the Government insists on handling this war crisis as if it were a purely party matter, instead of a most critical national emergency calling for the fullest co-operation of all parties, the abandonment of sectional differences and prejudices, and a spirit of unity and goodwill throughout the country. ■.
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Dominion, Volume 33, Issue 70, 15 December 1939, Page 8
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912The Dominion FRIDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1939. PARLIAMENT AND THE WAR Dominion, Volume 33, Issue 70, 15 December 1939, Page 8
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