The Dominion WEDNESDAY, JULY 13, 1921. A CONFERENCE ON ARMAMENTS

Dominion, Volume 14, Issue 247, 13 July 1921, Page 4

The Dominion WEDNESDAY, JULY 13, 1921. A CONFERENCE ON ARMAMENTS

The movement for the limitation, of armaments is put into practical shape by the action of the American President in asking Britain, France, Italy, and Japan whether they are prepared to participate m a conference on the subject. As was to be expected from the clear definition already given to the views held in all parts of the Empire on this great question, Britain has been prompt to intimate that she will gladly take part in the suggested conference, and no doubt Japan and the other Powers approached will show themselves equally ready to participate. Ono of to-day’s cablegrams mentions the possibility that the French Prune Minister’(M. Bbiand) may personally represent his country when the conference, meets. The wording of President Hardinq’s overture to the Powers indicates that America is prepared to deal from, a reasonably broad standpoint with tho issues raised. Recognising that the question of limiting armaments has a, close relation to Pacific and Far Eastern problems, he suggests that “the Powers specially interested should undertake in connection with this conference the consideration of all matters bearing on their solution, with a view to reaching a common understanding in respect to principles and policies in the Far East.” He suggests also that China should be invited to participate in the discussion of Far Eastern problems. The working programme thus outlined is broad but not too broad. Moro especially as regards Pacific and Far Eastern problems, “a common understanding in • respect to principles and policies” is evidently indispensable in tho first place if the Powers concerned are to reach an effective agreement to limit armaments. Although France, and Italy are not in tho same vital degree interested in Pacific and .Far Eastern questions as the British "Empire, America, and Japan, it will no doubt be agreed that President Harding has shown good judgment in inviting these Powers to participate in the projected conference. In, America and elsewhere it has been emphasised that America, Britain, and Japan are in aposition to give other nations an immediate and effective lead in limiting armaments and that the effect of calling too many nations ’into conference at the outset would be to “multiply voices, complicate counsel, retard action, divide responsibility, and furnish a cover for duplicity.” On the, other hand it has been urged that the. three naval Powers, acting independently, m’ght be accused of establishing “a sort of tripartite alliance that would ' create suspicion among weaker nations.” The American President has chosen an intermediate course.. The. presence, of French and Italian representatives at the 'impending conference will rather assist than retard arrival at an understanding. At the same time the inclusion of France and Italy will help to dissipate any idea th'at the nations most vitally concerned in Pacific problems aim at dealing with them from a narrow or exclusive standpoint. While it is one thing to arrange a conference op. the limitation of armaments and another to bring .it to a successful outcome, there is little doubt that if America and the British Empire arc able to find a basis of agreement other nations will bi induced to fall into line. Representative statesmen in Japan have, freely expressed their approval of the general principle of limiting armaments. Some of them, it is true, have urged that Japan, as the weakest of the three naval Powers, cannot be. expected to take the lead in cutting down armaments and that it is for the strongest nations to make the first move, but Britain and America if they reach mutual agreement will be able to offer Japan better guarantees of security than she could obtain by the most lavish naval programme. Viscount Kato is quoted in one of to-day’s cablegrams as urging the renewal of the, Anglo-Japanese Treaty on the ground that- its abrogation might impel both Britain and Japan to increase their naval strength in the Pacific. The question now raised, however, is whether it is possible to supersede the Anglo-Japanese Alliance by the development of an understanding _ of broader scope. comprehending America and China as well as Britain and. Japan, which would not only provtde a very much better basis for the limitation of naval armaments, but would give Japan, in common with the other nations interested, greatly increased security. Prospects of fhe reasonable measure of Anglo-American agreement upon which the success of the impending conference must largely depend aro upon the whole encouraging. In America, as in British countries, there are, people who oppose any international agreement to limit armaments, but the influence of this section upon public opinion seems to be declining as definitely in the Uinited States as it undoubtedly is in all parts of our own Empire. The stock argument of those who oppose the international limitation of armaments is that it does not prevent war, that war cannot be prevented, and that the only choice, is between going to war, sooner or later, prepared or unprepared. The general and growing tendency in English-speaking countries is undoubtedly to reject this counsel of despair and rather to accept the view expressed by Viscount Grf.v. in regard to international relationships, that the nations must now learn or perish. There is no doubt that an interna-

tional agreement to limit armaments is imperatively necessary even from the economic standpoint, and it offers at the same time the most hopeful method of averting future war. The success of the conference about, to meet would brighten tho outlook of all nations. Its failure would be a terrible, calamity even to nations as rich and powerful as the British Empire and the United States.