THE PEOPLE V. THE COMMONS.
DETACHED VIEWS. "THE DIVINITY OF DEMOS." Mr. Owen Seaman, editor of "Punch," supplied in the pages of that journal a refreshingly sane statement of tho situation in the United Kingdom at the commencement of tho general election. The article is as 'follows:— In times of great stress and heat I am always glad to avail myself of tho atmosphere of temperate calm which pervades the presence of Prenderby. As a general election approaches ho grows more and more detached, till he almost disappears from sight. Of course, I only take an acadcmic interest in his points of view, aud would never let him persuade me to adopt an attitude even of semi-detach-ment. And, to do him justice,, he never tries to convert me. He says he would not wish to sacrifice any source of quiet entertainment. "Well, what about the Referendum?" I asked. "I hold no brief for that Alpine device," said Prenderby, "for I have never mistaken the people's voice for the voice of a god. But i retain the right to be surprised and shocked when I see that the very party which has always vouched for tho divinity of' Demos now protests against tho idea of directly consulting its own beloved oracle on matters of gravo doubt. "Our contention," said I, coming fresh and fortified from a study of Lord' Morlcy's great speech in favour of maintaining: the Constitution intact, "is that our country's system is a representative system, and that the Referendum would disfiguro tho authority of the people's representatives." "If,"' said Prenderby, as though reading my thoughts, "you. allude to Lord Morloy, for whom I entertain a profound respect, I should think more of his Conservative arguments if he himself were not in favour of a Radical Bill for breaking up tho Constitution by means of what he facetiously calls an 'adjust.mcnt of the relations between tho two Houses on an amicable basis.' However, I sympathise with you for the moment: I have always held that, in an ideal democracy, the people's' representatives, once elected, should be given a free hand to do their best-for tho country during the natural term of Parliament. But'then I would have our representatives chosen'on'a principle very different from that which is in use., I would choose—Liberals or Unionists—men of the highest intelligence, experience, and patriotism, on whose judgment I could rely even for the handling of questions on which my opinion had never been consulted. But how and why do we actually elcct our members? Not, except in rare cases, on their personal merits; not as thinking men; but just as specimens of ono or other party, foisted on us by a caucus. And there they sit in tho Houso withinstructions to surrender their privato judgment (if any) and act as voting automata at the bidding of tho party Whip. What guarantee can we liave that on any given question, possibly not even' contemplated among tho variegated issues at. a general election, our dummy really -represents' us? Unless we make a change in our methods, I see' no solution of a rotten state of things except through the Referendum."' ' I. T "Its'introduction as. a. party cry, I said,' "at the last moment justifies, our humourists in describing it as a rsd-herring-endum." • "True wit delights me," said Prenderby, on a noto of discouragement. "But what, after all, is tho matter with a good red herring? It is an excellent thing for dragging across tho trail when the field is oil the scentof a hare that's got tho plagn'o. But, to-return to this piercing- outcry against tho notion of going over the heads of tho people's representatives to consult tho'people themselves. Have you observed lately what a deal of talk there '.is . about tho 'dignity and authority of tlio House of Commons? It seems to have assumed an .importance far exceeding that ; of the men who elect it. And, curiously enough, it, is .with, the steady, .dccline in the'personal weight-and influence of its Members (since only, a dozen or so on each side are allowed to count as anything more than more Ayes or Noes), and with, its gradual humiliation under tho pressure of party machinery, that wo find the nuuso of. Commons developing this habit" of self-complacency. And I recognise in tho Referendum the best available correclivo for such a state of swelled head. If I am not inviting you to betray a . party secret, what, may I ask, is your objection to it?" "If," I said, "the people s verdict were \ nfavourablo it would mean u. General Election every time. No self-respecting Government could survive the rebuff to il "I dmrbfit," said Prenderby cheerfully. "I have too firm a confidence in the -tenacity of mcttt Ministers. They would sit tight and try something elso. But, m all r.iobabilitv,- they would seldom or never incur such a rebuff. -They,would,guard their dignity by so moderating their proposals as to ensure their acceptance by tho country." ' , "Well, anyhow," said I, it was taotical move of the Tones at tho eleventh k "Mv dear.fellow." said Prenderby, with a touch of compassion, 'the peculiarity of the eleventh hour is not-only that it comes-just before . the twelfth, but also that it comes just after tho tenth. Lato tactics have' to bo answered by tactics later still. Black at an advanced stage makes a forward move which exposes one of his own pieces. White steps m ana snans it up. 'Aha! says Black, why didn't you think of that before ? You ve committed an afterthought. Or elso he shouts, 'White Flag!' ]ust because his opponent deliberately sacrifices a pawn or two to save his King." ~ "If you're going to drag in the Crown, 1 "i'drag in, nothing," said Prenderby, •"not oven a red herring. As I said before, 1 hold no brief for tho Referendum. I am not a good enough democrat. But 1 may permit myself to, be politely 'amusc'g .when I find the Conservative' party moiv democratic than your democrats themselves; stealing the Radical thunder and going ono better with it. I may 'permit myself this recreation and yet remain detached from party." . "Liko Lord Rosebory at-Manchester," I said withoringly. "I see that in his 'nonparty'.speech he.referred to the American dollars, though I noticed that he said no-j ; .thing of Sir Wilfrid Laurier's contribution." "If you must, drag in the Prime Minister of* Canada," said. Prenderby;, "let me say that I have a particular regard for him which is not increased by his interference in the matter of Home Rule. What would you and Canada think of Mr. Asqnith if,' while Premier of England, he openly subscribed to tho funds of one of the parties in a Canadian election? As for Lord Rosebery I resemble him, very modestly, in this—that wo aro both enamoured of moderate counsels; ho as a- member of the despised peerage, I as an oinamnt. of the down-tr&dden middle-classes. I look forward to the day of moderate, men;, to the coming of a National party which shall combine the best of both sides." '.'Meanwhile," said I, for I shrank from flirtinir with this rather seductive prospect—"nicanwhilo tho polls begin to-mor-row, and we shall soon know whether the people accept or reject tho idea of a referendum." "Whether, in fact," said Prenderby, "they prefer to put their trust in their rcnro.wntativcs or in themselves." "We shall see." said I. "We shall see." said Prenderby. At last we had, touched a poiut of agreement, and I seized the opportunity to shift my ground to domestic woods and pastures uncoutroversial.
A stock sale will bo held at Palmerston North on Thursday, January-is. Irato , Coach: "Why didn't you tackle and tho new rule 10, Section xxiii, makes tackling from that position illegal." " 'Sh !" exclaiemd Tommy, listening at the door. "There's company in tho parlour." "How do you . know?" inquired his little brother. "Mama's calling papa 'my love.'" "Aro you related to Barney O'Brien?" Thomas O'Tricn was onco asked. "Very distantly," replied Thomas. "I was me mother's first child—Barney was th' sivinteenth."
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Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 1027, 17 January 1911, Page 6
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1,342THE PEOPLE V. THE COMMONS. Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 1027, 17 January 1911, Page 6
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