Portugal’s colonies

Press, Volume CXIV, Issue 33611, 13 August 1974, Page 12

Portugal’s colonies

The unqualified offer of full independence to all of Portugal’s colonial territories—not those in Africa alone—reflects the full extent of political change in Lisbon. The young officers of the Armed Forces Movement, under the leadership of the new Prime Minister, Colonel Goncalves, a career soldier who had served in both Mozambique and Angola, are clearly asserting a right to Influence policy. Apart from a few Left-wingers from small political groups, the Government contains only two recognisable parties, the Communists and the Socialists; and a major aim of policy, it appears, will be the liquidation, at long last, of Portuguese imperialism President Spinola used to favour some kind of federation in Africa, with preservation of the link with Lisbon. Now. with the prodding of the younger officers, whose* nominee for the Prime Ministership was Colonel Goncalves, the President looks like becoming little more than a figurehead. At any rate, he was explicit in emphasising the “ historic *• importance ” of his announcement, a few days ago, of the Government's readiness to begin at once “ the “ process of the transfer of powers to the populations "w ho are recognised to be qualified to this effect: “ namely Guinea. Angola, and Mozambique

He also said that the decision to leave Africa was “a victory over ourselves, over our mistakes “ and contradictions ”. Yet. except in the case of Guinea-Bissau, where a legislature of sorts already exists, and where the “ republic ” presided over by Luis Cabral awaits full recognition and admission to the United Nations, the pace of independence will depend mainly on the extent of co-operation between rival guerrilla organisations. This is especially true of Angola, where each of three groups is disposed to claim the right to set up a government, apparently without any prior consultation of the people as a whole.

The Government in Lisbon cannot be expected merely to hand over authority to the strongest claimant, without some test of opinion. In Mozambique it could well be shown that the Liberation Front (Frelimo) would have the confidence of most Africans, whether or not they fought with the guerrillas. But in Angola there are strong rivalries between the liberation groups, whose leaders have so far resisted all efforts towards unity. The situation is further complicated bv the existence of the oil-rich enclave of Cabinda, which has an independence movement of its own. and to which neighbouring Zaire professes “ historic claims ’’ Affecting Guinea-Bissau, there is also the future of the Cane Verde islands, in the Atlantic some 300 miles off the coast. The feeling

there appears to be against union, which the Cabral Government wants to maintain The islanders mav well be given a choice between union, a link with Portugal, and full independence. In the cases of Mozambique and Angola, the Portuguese Government would probably welcome supervision of the transfer of powers by the United Nations. If so. it is a fair assumption that the Africans should decide who should organise free elections. This would seem to be the only way of enabling the people of the territories to get the governments they want.