COMMENT FROM THE CAPITAL ELECTION RESULT MAY WELL REST WITH MINOR PARTIES

Press, Volume CXII, Issue 33060, 30 October 1972, Page 14

COMMENT FROM THE CAPITAL ELECTION RESULT MAY WELL REST WITH MINOR PARTIES

(By

CEDRIC MENTIPLAY)

W ELLINGTON, October 29.—The 1972 General Election may well lie won by a party of which the average voter has scarcely heard. The victory it gains will not be for itself, but for one of the major parties—National or Labour—and it will be determined by the number of votes drawn off from their normal allegiances by candidates of the smaller partv.

This has happened before. In the 19o0s the results of two elections were affected crucially by the active presence of supporters of the Social Credit Party. Social Credit did not win a seat at that time—but very many “swinging” votes were denied the main parties.

As nominations do not close until next Thursday (November 2) the exact state of the poll is not known—j but inevitably there will be! four main parties (Labour,! National. New Democrats.! and Social Credit) who intend to put up candidates in | | all or most electorates, plus up to half-a-dozen others I (Liberal Reform, New Zealand Values, Independent Political. Independent Women, and some others). “Send-up” election Perhaps this General Election will go down in political history as the “Send-up Election.” Very rarely before have there been more individual candidates and small, usually regional, political groups whose main aim, it seems, is to destroy the main parties by laughter. Just how Palmerston North’s Mickey Mouse Party, or Dunedin’s Yippees, will fare in the poll cannot be predicted—but they will undoubtedly get a number of votes from people who are unhappy about the policies or performance of either main party. There are also a number of one-plank independents, advocating everything from reform of local issues to liberalisation of the homosexual laws. And there are even some individuals and groups (including one.candidate in the Prime Minister’s Karori electorate) who are actively campaigning with the device that voters either do not vote for them or that they do not vote at all—a curious inversion which surely involves the donation of the candidate’s deposit. The “Swinging” vote No one could assess with any accuracy how the young electors will vote—but it is worth noting that the majority of candidates in the two main parties are not in, or close to, this age-group. The appeals of groups outside the “Establishment”— which to the youngster would also include the formal Opposition—could prove to be very strong indeed. A peculiar position As vote-garnerers, the Social Credit Party and its break-off group, the New Democrats, must find themselves in a peculiar position. Social Credit has come a long way since its beginnings in the 19505, and has suffered a process of partial dissolution and reformation. Neither the Social Credit nor the New Democrat leader really knows how much the highly-publicised disagreements within the original Social Credit Party will affect the potential voter. Independent authorities, however, suggest that many voters, new and old, will be looking elsewhere for candidates capable of expressing a protest against the established order (meaning the National-Labour syndrome). For this task the recentlyannounced New Zealand Values Party is worthy of close inspection. It has enjoyed quite a surprising exposure, due mainly to the personality and the capacity for politico-public relations presentation shown by its young leader (Mr A. J. Brunt).

If it enters the campaign with 25 candidates, as Mr Brunt says it can do, the Values Party may well play havoc with the voting in a number of city seats. At present there are 15 Values Party candidates, who include school-teachers, businessmen, a house-painter and a plumber. Mr Brunt is a journalist and his deputy (Mr G. Neil) is a lecturer at Otago University. Forgotten values? The Values Party has discovered a “depression of the spirit” in New Zealand—an obsession with figures and economy rather than with the human mind. Mr Brunt speaks of a disillusionment with New Zealand society and with the existing poltical system.

This, he claims, is driving New Zealand youth to protest, and the 'elder citizens to despair. The informal conference held in Wellington last week-end tended to confirm that such an introduction would prove interesting to the younger voter, whose inquiring needs are not well catered for by other parties. Perhaps more important than slogans or mood-setting speeches, however, is the amount of work which has obviously gone into the preparation of the Values Party’s case to New Zealand voters. The policy statement is a 58-page document, covering all major points. It compares more than favourably with that offered by other new parties over the last 20 years.

Some points from the Values Party’s manifesto are as follows:—

Population: A deliberate Government policy to reduce the economic and urban growth. This does not envisage limitation o families, but includes sex education and advice.

Economic growth: Scaled down to 1 per cent yearly, with a rise in living stan-

dards and eventually a fouriday working week. industrial relations: A J Government-encouraged job- ! improvement programme, I which would include taxation I incentives, worker ownership lof industry, and the use of ! job-improvement officers. ! Governmental reform: An (increase to 120 members of ! Parliament. Consideration of • a maximum term of 12 to 15 i years for members. Establishment of a public Pariiaimentary forum for the airing lof grievances. A regular review of legislation. An inservice training programme for members. The lowering of the voting age to 18 (16 if married).

Education: Decentralisation of control. Phasing out of School Certificate, University Entrance and university scholarship examinations and their replacement by internal school assessments. The environment: Restriction on use of cars in innercity areas. Restriction on building height. Provision of better public transport. Mixed communities of State and private housing. Penal: Phasing-out of prisons for "open” suburban hostels. Improvement of prerelease facilities. Race relations: Self-deter-mination for Maoris within the framework of their own institutions. Three more Maori seats in Parliament. More Maoris and Islanders in departmental jobs. Investigation of the possibility of al separate Magistrate’s Court for Polynesians, involving a Polynesian judiciary.

Foreign affairs: A more independent and activisj approach while still maintaining close links with allies. Request to football authorities to withdraw their invitation to the Springboks unless there are multi-racial trials.

Diplomatic relations with Communist China. An end of support for the war in Vietnam. Early action against further nuclear weapon-testing in the Pacific. Withdrawal from S.E.A.T.O. A reexamination of New Zealand’s membership of A.N.Z.U.S. and A.N.Z.U.K. with a view to withdrawal. Defence: Dismantling of

the armed forces and their replacement by a multipurpose civil and social service organisation capable of serving overseas. This is only part of a widely-based manifesto which also calls for reform of the homosexual and abortion laws. It has been well thought out. and will have quite a wide appeal. On how its supporters “sell” this doctrine may depend the ultimate Parliamentary balance of power after November 25.