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Japan and China

Japan’s attitude towards Nationalist China continues to be a major obstacle to discussions aimed at improving Japanese relations with the Government in Peking. Japan still holds the view, confirmed when the Prime Minister, Mr Sato, talked with President Nixon during his visit to Washington, that the security of the Taiwan area is vitally important to its own security. This implies that the Japanese Government will continue to honour its 1951 treaty obligations to Nationalist China. It implies also that Japan will try to keep open its option to allow the United States some access to Japanese bases, including Okinawa, after the island’s reversion to Japan next year, as a shield against possible Chinese aggression in the Taiwan Strait Peking so far has been adamant that it will not recognise Japan while Japan continues to recognise Taiwan. Peking a year ago laid down firm principles governing trade with Japan: China would not deal with Japanese traders and manufacturers who have capital investments in Taiwan, with firms supplying weapons to allied forces in Vietnam, Cambodia, or Laos, with any joint Japanese-American ventures, or with any American subsidiaries in Japan. Refusal to accept these principles would drastically restrict Japan’s trade with China, especially in iron and steel, of which China is a heavy importer. Japan’s trade with China and other Communist countries has been expanding rapidly, and Japan is naturally interested in expanding it still further. Taiwan looks like remaining the main stumbling-block to the diplomatic recognition by Peking of either Japan or the United States. Mr Sato said in March that the question of which was the lawful Government of China would have to be resolved between the rival Governments. Japan, he said, could not interfere. The United Nations vote on seating Communist China this year will be the first test of the possibility of a new detente between China and the other two Powers. If the United States, supported by Japan as in the past, abandons its opposition to Communist China’s entry—on which a two-thirds majority is now required—Communist China would not merely become a member of the United Nations but would have every expectation of being given one of the permanent seats on the Security Council This could not be done without ejecting Taiwan. Japan no doubt would welcome any sort of “ formula ’’ that would lead to a solution; but neither China is likely to be very accommodating in the foreseeable future.

There are at least some signs that influential opinion in Japan is moving towards the idea that the stalemate must be broken by pressure from third parties. A former Japanese Foreign Minister, Mr Fujiyama, who recently visited China, said on his return to Tokyo that Japan should recognise the Peking Government as representing all China, including Taiwan. Clearly, the pressures on the Government to reconsider the permanence of the treaty with Nationalist China will continue to grow.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19710422.2.94

Bibliographic details

Press, Volume CXI, Issue 32587, 22 April 1971, Page 12

Word Count
482

Japan and China Press, Volume CXI, Issue 32587, 22 April 1971, Page 12

Japan and China Press, Volume CXI, Issue 32587, 22 April 1971, Page 12