THE VIETNAM WAR N.L.F.’s HOPES FOR A COALITION GOVERNMENT

Press, Volume CVI, Issue 31317, 13 March 1967, Page 12

THE VIETNAM WAR N.L.F.’s HOPES FOR A COALITION GOVERNMENT

(By FREDA COOK. Hanoi correspondent of the "N.Z. Monthly Review")

In view of the discussion going on round the world as to the good will for peace of the various parties concerned, I went last month to see Mr Nguyen van Thien, head of the mission of the South Vietnam National Liberation Front recently established in Hanoi. I found that though there was no possibility of its altering its attitude to the American intervention, or to those Vietnamese who rely on it to maintain their own positions, the Front was prepared to go a long way in co-operating with other Vietnamese patriots for a broad programme to ensure peace and independence.

“What exactly is your relationship with the Front?” I asked Mr Tien. “How do you keep in touch?” “We are a part of the Central Committee,” he replied, “and under its directive. Every day we get some guidance on our activity and if we are in doubt we send a cable.”

“Are you part of the diplomatic corps here? What is your relationship with the Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam?” “This is by no means an embassy. Vietnam is one country and there is blood relationship between our people. But if the Government here or anyone else wants to ask a question about South Vietnam, they can come to us.” “Would you say that the Front is really the Government of a great part of

South Vietnam? I have often wondered why you didn't organise some method of establishing government status which would make it harder for the United States to refuse to negotiate with you.” N.L.F. Functions

“The matter is under discussion. As you know, about four-fifths of the country and

around 10 million of the people are under the control of the Front. In that area, the liberated area, committees have been established at all levels, from the provincial to the village. These committees administer and organise production, security, self-defence, medical care, education, cultural activities—everything to do with the welfare of the people and the raising of their standard of living. Certainly the N.L.F. functions as a government, but we don’t as yet try to form one. There are some in the cities who should be part of any South Vietnamese government, but for the time being we cannot work with them because of the American occupation. “It is our intention however, perhaps in the near future, to set up a coalition government.”

“That,” I interrupted, “is a very interesting point. Would you mind telling me exactly what you are visualising when you speak of ‘coalition’?’’ “Coalition means including persons from both inside and outside the Front, persons who are prepared to work with us against American intervention, who will take common action with us. In the cities there are many religious believers, intellectuals and bourgeois, who would be prepared to do this.” “What, then, are the essential planks of your platform?” “We fight for national independence, democracy, peace, neutrality, and to prepare the way for the eventual unification of our country.” To be quite sure that I had the right idea, I went again to the headquarters of the mission yesterday and asked Tran van Hue, the public relations officer:

“Do you mean you would work with members of the present Saigon administration?”

“Yes,” he said, “there are some, whose names I cannot give you, who want independence as we do. With military dictators, propped up by the United States, we cannot and will not work, but with certain civilians now in the Saigon administration, it would be possible.” “We South Vietnamese,” said Mr Tien, “are one family, walking together with a com-

mon aim which transcends all other values. We all want, above all, freedom: freedom from foreign invaders. Our main objective is not any particular political line. But those Vietnamese who cooperate with the American aggressors are different; we consider them outside our family.”

“What is your reaction,” I asked, feeling that the subject was rather delicate, “to the idea sometimes expressed by Saigon Vietnamese and others that the North wants to take over the South?”

“Neither the North wants to take over the South, nor the South the North. We seek, as I have said, eventual reunification, but for our immediate aims the work in each zone should be separate.” “Do you feel that without help from the North you could continue your struggle?” “Victory In Sight” “Ever since we began our resistance war against the United States invasion, we have said we could go on with the struggle with our own resources until final victory. But if we receive help from our friends we can shorten it. We highly appreciate the help given by our kith and kin in the North; without their help the struggle would be longer. As it is, our victory is in sight.”

“Are you not very anxious as the war continues to escalate?”

“Anxiety is the trouble of the United States imperialists, not ours. We are fully prepared for a protracted war. I must tell you frankly that when the Vietnamese are determined to fight, they are not put off by destruction. If the enemy destroys, we build again the next day, or even after a few hours, and we do this time and again. By destroying our food stores and our fields they may cause us temporary difficulties, but if one locality suffers another must share with it South Vietnam is very large and very fertile. Believe me, we cannot lose, because we are united and our cause is just.”

Growing awareness that the National Liberation Front in South Vietnam is making its own policy independently of Hanoi is prompting many observers to regard the front as the key party in any negotiations. Hanoi is not likely to discourage the National Liberation Front s appearing to be an independent force, even though the front was founded in North Vieitnam as the political agency of the Viet Cong.”—“The Press” leading article, February 14, 1967.