ENOSIS HOW MANY GOOD GREEKS ARE THERE IN NICOSIA ?

Press, Volume CIII, Issue 30602, 19 November 1964, Page 16

ENOSIS HOW MANY GOOD GREEKS ARE THERE IN NICOSIA ?

IBy

David Holden

In the •‘Guardian.” Manchester)

(Reprinted by arranpementj

“The centre of Hellenism is in Athens, not Nicosia.” Hie phrase is that of Mr Papandreou, the Greek Prime Minister, the sentiment is that of all good Greeks. But how many good Greeks are there in Nicosia'.’ After nine months of fumbling leadership in Greece and clever manoeuvring in Cyprus it seems to have dawned at last upon Mr Papandreou and some of his more sophisticated colleagues that there in iv soon be too few to matter. The centre of Hellenism, as far as that means the focus of decision about Greek policies, has in fact shifted dangerously away from Athens towards Nicosia, with potentially serious consequences for both places.

Politics and self-deception combine to stifle public discussion of such fears in Athens. Bemused as ever by their own legends, many Greeks are still unwilling to admit that “the spirit of Hellenism” may be corrupted by thoughts of personal advantage. To most of them Archbishop Makarios remains a popular hero leading the fight against the hated Turk for the glory of a greater Greece. The thought that he might be doing something quite different, such as carving an independent position for himself, or acting as a stalking horse for others even less scrupulous than he, is not yet seriously entertained as far as I can discover, in the average Greek coffee house. Nor will the Government admit its worries, maintaining with Panglossian persistence that all is for the best in the best of all possible worlds between Athens and Nicosia, and explaining away events which contradict this view as essential elements in a deep-laid game of double bluff. A Rationalisation It is agreed between Papandreou and Makarios, according to these explanations, that Enosis is their joint goal. But to secure international support for the Greek Cypriots against the Turks, and force the hands of the Americans and the British, Makarios must win over the Communist and uncommitted nations. Therefore, neither he nor the Greek Government can publicly espouse anything but “selfdetermination” for Cyprus, leaving the Communist and uncommitted dupes to hope for the creation of a fully independent, de-militarised and presumably neutralist island. In this way we will obtain a majority vote for self-determination at the United Nations, the British and Americans will be alarmed, Turkish resistance will crumble, and Enosis will be proclaimed after all, unopposed, amid general Greek rejoicing. Unhappily there is no evidence that this is more than a hopeful Athenian rationalisation of a situation that Greece has drifted into. Mr

Papandreou certainly never envisaged such a Byzantine policy to begin with, and if he had it would have implied an extraordinary abdication of responsibility as a Greek Prime Minister, for its effect is to leave Cyprus totally in command of vital decisions about Greek policy. But that this is just what has happened is now plain to see.

While Greece remains committed to the support of the Greek Cypriots, Enosis has virtually disappeared from the Cypriot vocabulary. Instead, with Akel, the Cypriot Communist Party, growing steadily more influential, it is “unfettered independence" that is sought with the aid of those good friends of struggling peoples, the Soviet Union, Marshal Tito, President Nasser and the rest. N.A.T.O. in general and the British and Americans in particular are reviled, the Cypriot business and professional community has been encouraged to believe that it will be better off outside Greece than inside, and General Grivas and other Greek soldiers and officials have been publicly attacked for daring to remind the Cypriots that Enosis is still the rightful goal. Leftward Trend

So far. neither these attacks nor the still unpublished agreement between Moscow and Nicosia have seriously undermined the Greek military position in Cyprus, according to reliable sources in Athens; but it is seriously held that unless something is done quickly to recapture Greek control of events in Cyprus, the 10,000 Greek soldiers there will be regarded by Greek Cypriots within six months as an army of occupation rather than an allied force.

To do anything publicly, however, becomes more difficult with the passage of time, especially as the leftward trend in Cyprus coincides with and reinforces, a similar though less pronounced shift in Greek domestic politics resulting from other forces. The loosening of the ice-pack in eastern Europe—at least up to the time of Mr Khrushchev’s deposition—and the election of a more liberal Government in Greece, have brought better relations between Greece and her Communist neighbours. Trade with the Soviet Union is growing steadily: and as memories of the Civil War begin to fade the fear of Greek communism weakens. One of the achievements of Mr Papandreou’s Government in its nine months of office has been the dismantling of the Civil War emergency regulations and the accompanying police pressures that kept not only Communists but anyone of Leftwing tendencies under close surveillance. The Communist Party remains outlawed, but its parliamentary cover, the Democratic Party (EDA), has been emboldened by the new freedom and is far more active than before in organising rallies, demanding “recognition” of its role in the wartime resistance movement, and generally seeking both respectability and publicity for its views. A Folk Hero Inevitably it has adopted Makarios as a folk hero, whose rejection of the Turks; and the imperialists of N.A.T.O. reveals the soundness of his Greek heart. Thus, for all the Government’s support of N.A.T.O. and the West, there is a new readiness elsewhere in Greece to flirt with “independent" policies—and this is all the more difficult for Mr Papandreou to contain because of his own dependence in Parliament upon a substantial group of left-wing deputies who might, if pressed, abandon his governing coalition and make a common front with E.D.A. From all this, some gloomier supporters of the Government deduce that if the Cyprus crisis drags on much longer the only attainable form of Enosis will become one in which Greece effectively joins Cyprus instead of vice versa. They fear that by the time Makarios has won his vote in the United Nations and the Turkish Cypriot community is demoralised, he will be so much the prisoner of the Left that he will be ! unable to move towards En- ; osis—even if he wants to, which they doubt—except on I his captors’ terms. These might include not only the complete demilitarisation of' Cyprus, but also, perhaps, the recognition of the Communist' Party in Greece to match the position of Akel in Cyprus, and a tacit agreement to allow the 100,000 Greek Civil War “refugees” to return to Greece from Eastern Europe. Acceptance of such terms, besides being contrary to the Government’s own policies, would increase the risk of a Right-wing coup in Greece by disgruntled army elements and add to the general instability of Greek politics. Rejection of them might be 1 made to seem like rejection; of Enosis, and could bring the Government down. The other possibilities are equally unpalatable. Continuation of the present situation, even if it were possible. is unthinkable, both for Greece and Turkey on

jeconomic as well as political and strategic grounds Par tition would solve little in 'Cyprus and would prohibit destroy any Greek Government. An independent, neutralist Cyprus would continue to plague both Ankara and Athens. The only satisfactory answer left is tin qualified Enosis and for the first time Mr Papandreou s government is now taking practical steps to achieve this by supporting its military con trol of Cyprus with “infiltration" of the political, business and administrative echelons there. Invitation To Athens Leaders of Cypriot trades unions and professions have been invited to Athens for talks, an Enosis committee has been created in the Greek Foreign Office, and delegations have gone to Nicosia to discuss economic integration with business men. farmers and others. Promises are being whispered that they need not suffer if only they will come quietly. There are hints that that Turkey need not regret Enosis. especially if the new British Government were willing to turn over its bases to N.A.T.0., or Greece, either of which might then give the Turks some voice in their command. The aim is to create as soon as possible a “de facto" state of Enosis which neither Makarios nor the Communists will be able to reject without seeming to oppose the whole concept of Hellenism But time is short, the “Left” in Cyprus has a good start and a skilful front runner in the Archbishop, and this is probably Mr Papandreou's last chance to catch up with them.

Washington and London would give him a flying start by offering him their full support for the real struggle in Cyprus now is no longer between Greek and Turk, but between Greek and Cvpriot and even Greek and Greek, and it is important for the health of Greece herself that the legitimate Greek Govern ment should prevail. Athens must be re-established as the centre of Hellenism. Not Greece, nor Turkey, nor N.A.T.0., nor in the long run the Cypriots themselves, can profit from having it removed to Nicosia.