The Press MONDAY, AUGUST 24, 1959. Malayan Election

Press, Volume XCVIII, Issue 28981, 24 August 1959, Page 10

The Press MONDAY, AUGUST 24, 1959. Malayan Election

The Malayan General Election has relieved fears that Malaya might be on the verge of dissolving into racial conflict. Two events in particular gave rise to these fears. First, the Alliance Party (a Malay-Chinese-Indian alliance) suffered a serious setback in the state elections in the east coast states of Trengganu and Kelantan in June at the hands of a party that campaigned on a strong communal basis, urging the creation of a theocratic Moslem State. The second disturbing event was a rift in the Alliance Party, which led to the Malay Chinese Association challenging the leader, Tengku Abdul Rahman. He responded by dropping the party from the Alliance. After four days, the majority of the dissidents chose to rejoin the Alliance on Tengku Abdul Rahman’s terms; but a hard core of rebels remained outside and they combined in a party appealing on communal lines to the Malayan Chinese. These two events appeared to make the federal election last week an open contest. In the event the Alliance won at least 70 of the 100 contested seats; and it might win more when counting is completed. The religious, conservative Malay group made no headway and the Chinese rebels were crushingly defeated, winning only three seats. For the next five years, therefore, the Government of Malaya will be in the hands of men committed to a multi-racial policy, and the firmness of the Government’s mandate endows it with a strength commanding respect outside the Federation as well as inside. The Com-

monwealth, and Australia and New Zealand especially, have reason to be satisfied with the stability bestowed upon a Government committed to the Commonwealth association. The rejection of those who campaigned on a Chinese communal policy will be noticed especially in the neighbouring State of Singapore. The Singapore Chinese proclaim themselves anxious for restoration of the economic unity that the island of Singapore and the Malay Peninsula enjoyed under British rule. Malay rulers believe that the Singapore Chinese aim to have economic and political unity go hand in hand, in which case Malaya would soon be dominated by the Chinese voting strength in Singapore. Indeed, the Malays retain their place in their country only by special safeguards written into the 1957 constitution, the most effective of which decreed that for 10 years Malays would fill three of every four jobs in the State and Federal administrations. Another safeguard is that the franchise to Chinese settlers is restricted, though as years go by more and more of Malaya’s Chinese population (comprising 48 per cent, of the total) will qualify as voters. The Malaydominated Alliance pursues its multi-racial policy under some obvious disadvantages. However, a policy that is shot through with anomalies has stood the test of the General Election, in which it must have received the support of a good number of Chinese. It would be good for democracy if opposition to the Alliance were based on multi-racial grounds instead of on racial prejudices.