BRITISH MEDIATOR IN CZECH MINORITIES DISPUTE

Press, Volume LXXIV, Issue 22465, 28 July 1938, Page 11

BRITISH MEDIATOR IN CZECH MINORITIES DISPUTE

Viscount Runciman Accepts Invitation to Act f CHOICE WARMLY WELCOMED BY SUDETENS “Prestige of Empire Staked on Successful Outcome” The announcement that Viscount Runciman had accepted an invitation to act as independent investigator and mediator in the dispute between the Czech Government and the Sudeten Germans was made by the British Prime Minister (Mr Chamberlain) in the House of Commons on Tuesday. Mr Chamberlain made his announcement in a speech in the House of Commons during which he traversed all the salient points of the international situation. He indicated that a further effort for a general appeasement would be made in relation to Germany if an agreed and peaceful settlement were once reached in Czechoslovakia. It was stated by Mr Chamberlain that Lord Runciman would, in his capacity as mediator and investigator, be independent of Britain and of all other Governments and would act only in his personal capacity. The choice o£ Lord Runciman has been warmly welcomed in Czechoslovakia and in Germany. The Sudeten Germans have promised to supply him with detailed information about their aims in the hope of arriving at a satisfactory settlement. According to German newspaper comment, Mr Chamberlain has staked his personal influence and the prestige of the British Empire on a successful outcome of the negotiations.

(881-ISH OFFICIAL WIRELESS.) (Received July 27, 2.15 p.m.) RUGBY, July 26. In a speech in the House of Commons, which reviewed all the salient points of the international situation, Mr Chamberlain described the British plan for assisting the successful conclusion of the negotiations in progress between Czechoslovakia and Herr Henlein’s party by means of an independent investigator* and mediator, and he announced Lord Runciman’s acceptance of the invitation to fill this role. Britain had never regarded the Rome agreements as bilateral, but as part of the general appeasement which would follow the liquidation of the Spanish dangers—for which reason the condition of a settlement in Spain had been laid down—and he foreshadowed a further effort at a general appeasement in relation to Germany if an agreed and peaceful settlement were once reached in Czechoslovakia. Mr Chamberlain was replying to a ,speech by the Liberal leader (Sir Archibald Sinclair) and he began by repeating the definition of the aim of the Government’s foreign policy as the establishment and maintenance of peace and the removal, as far as practicable, of .all causes of possible conflict in the amelioration of the grievances of one country or another. “No Sacrifice of Honour” "At the same time let not anyone imagine that the Government is willing to sacrifice even for peace British honour or vital British interests,” declared Mr Chamberlain. Day by day the armed strength of Britain became more formidable, but while the tremendous power which was being accumulated remained in the background as a guarantee that the country could defend itself, the Government was not unmindful that while it could have a giant’s strength it was silliness to use it like a giant. In passages devoted to the Sudeten question Mr Chamberlain said that it was very difficult for people in Britain to arrive at a just conclusion in the dispute between the Government in Prague and Herr Henlein’s party, and Britain would have preferred to leave a settlement to the two sides themselves, but unfortunately it had to recognise the presence of factors which might lead to a breach of the peace with incalculable consequences if the matter were not handled boldly and with a reasonable amount of expedition. Therefore in accordance with its general policy and in close association with France, the Government had done everything it could to facilitate a peaceful solution. The problem, in one form or other, had existed for centuries, and it Would, perhaps, be unreasonable to expect it to be solved in a few short Weeks. It was not true that the Government had been bustling Czechoslovakia. On the contrary, the Government’s anxiety had been I £ ather . Prague should be too \ hasty in dealing with a situation of 1 such delicacy, where it was so vital that the two sides should avoid fu ac “ng a position where no furtner give and take would be possible. For example, Britain had urged Czechoslovakia to submit its proposals to Herr Henlein before Pt'esPhting them to the Parliament at Prague, because an agreed settlement between Czechoslovakia and Herr Henlein would be the best solution. Reason for Mediation Mr Chamberlain then came to the developments of recent days. He said that hitherto Britain, while u £gmg an agreed settlement, had abstained from suggestions as to method, but as time passed it had •vu ll *° a PP ear doubtful whether, Without assistance from outside, an agreement would be reached. In these circumstances Britain had been considering whether there was any way it could help to bring the negotiators together, and in response to a request from Czechoslovakia it had agreed to a proposal that a person with the necessary experience a nd qualities should investigate this subject upon the spot, and endeavour, if need be, to suggest a means tor bringing the negotiations to sucQrSs. Such an investigator and mediator would, of course, be independent of Britain. In fact, he

would be independent of all governments. He would act only in his personal capacity. “I cannot be certain that a proposal of this kind will necessarily bring a solution, but I think it might have two valuable results,” continued the Prime Minister. “First of all, I think it will go far to inform public opinion generally as to the real facts of the case, and second, I hope it may mean that issues which hitherto have appeared untractable may prove, under the influence of such a mediator, to be less obstinate than had appeared. “It is quite obvious that the task of anyone undertaking this duty is going to be very exacting, very responsible. and very delicate, and Britain felt that it was fortunate in having secured from Lord Runciman his promise to undertake it, provided he is assured of the confidence of the Sudeten Germans, as I hope he will be, as well as the assistance of Czechoslovakia.” Position of Lord Runciman Mr Chamberlain spoke highly of Lord Runciman’s qualifications. Replying to an interjection from the Opposition, he made it clear that Lord Runciman would go in no sense as an arbitrator, but as an investigator and mediator who would try to acquaint himself with all the facts and views of the two sides. His position would be not unlike that of a man who went to help to settle a strike. Lord Runciman had stipulated that he must be accepted by both sides. When Mr Winston Churchill interjected with an inquiry as to whether Lord Runciman had been accepted by both sides, Mr Chamberlain replied: “We have not yet heard from the Sudeten Germans.” Dealing with the dispute in respect to the relations between Britain and Germany, Mr Chamberlain said Britain had impressed on both Germany and Czechoslovakia the desirability of restraint. The Government had noted with satisfaction the efforts of the Czech Government. It had also been happy to receive from Berlin assurances—recently renewed—of a desire for a peaceful solution. Mr Chamberlain added that in his recent interview with Herr von Dircksen, the German Ambassador, he had not gone beyond what the House already knew—the dual policy of urging Czechoslovakia to do all it .possibly could, consistent with what it felt to be essential to the integrity and independence of its own State, to come .to an agreement with Herr Henlein’s party, and of urging on the other side the need for patience. “If we can find some peaceful solution of the Sudeten Question,” he said. “T should myself think the way was open again for a further effort for genera! appeasement—appeasement which cannot be attained until we can be satisfied that no major cause for disoute or difference remains unsettled. Possibility of Agreement “W% have already demonstrated the possibility of complete agreement between democratic and totalitarian States. I do not see myself why the experiment cannot be repeated. When Herr Hitler made the offer of a naval treaty in which Germany was to be restricted to an agreed level, bearing a fixed ratio to the British Fleet, he made a notable gesture of a most practical kind in the direction of peace. The value of that gesture, it seems to me, has not been fully appreciated as tending towards general appeasement. But there the treaty stands as a demonstration that it is possible for Germany and ourselves to agree upon matters which are vital to both of us. We ought not to find it impossible to continue our efforts towards an understanding which would do so much to bring back confidence to Europe.” Other passages in the speech were devoted to British and American relations, the situation in the Far East, the position of the League, and questions bearing on the agreement between Britain and Italy. In a reference to the welcome accorded to the King and Queen on the occasion of their State visit to Paris. Mr Chamberlain said the two democracies were united by common interests and ideals, and their unity was hanoier because of its general recognition. It was not directed against any other nation or combination of nations. That unity had been strengthened and confirmed bv the conversations between Lord Halifax and the French Ministers in Paris. The House knew that there was no mystery about them. There had been no new undertaking and no new commitments on either side.

There was a general discussion on all matters of interest to the two countries and a general agreement upon them. The Rome Agreements As to the Rome agreements, Mr Chamberlain reiterated his reasons for making the removal of the Spanish situation from being a perpetual menace to the peace of Europe a condition of their coming into effect. It was not the fault of either party that that condition had not been fulfilled. Italy had kept faith in the reduction of troops in Libya and the cessation of anti-British propaganda, and in collaboration on the International Non-Intervention Committee. Britain had carried out its engagements by the action taken at the League meeting concerning Abyssinia. Britain profoundly regretted the delay in bringing the agreements into effect, and would do all it could to facilitate the withdrawal of foreign volunteers from Spain so that Spain might cease to offer threats to the peace of Europe. This observation drew from the Labour Leader (Mr C. R. Attlee) the question whether, in the Prime Minister’s view, the withdrawal of foreign volunteers would constitute “a settlement in Spain.” Mr Chamberlain, however, replied cautiously that he would like to see what happened when the volunteers had been withdrawn, adding that if Britain could feel that Spain ceased to be a menace to the peace of Europe, Britain would regard that as a settlement of the Spanish question. Relations with America Turning to the relations with the United States, he expressed the opinion that they had never been better than at present. Taking up the reference in Sir Archibald Sinclair’s speech to the debt question, he said Lord Stanhope’s observations in the House of Lords on Thursday last made Britain’s attitude perfectly clear. He regarded the trade agreement now under negotiation not merely as an attempt to come to a commercial arrangement, but as an effort to demonstrate the possibility of Britain and the United States working together, and as a forerunner of collaboration of wider application. It was not necessary to display impatience. A commercial treaty of this kind began with an enormous schedule of articles, every one of which had to be discussed and negotiated. They had gone through this great schedule and agreed upon a great part of it, but, as always happened. one came at some time to certain points which offered special difficulty. On this subject the Prime Minister concluded with the statement: “I know there is goodwill on both sides, and I hope we shall not have to wait very long before we are able to announce an agreement.” Mr Chamberlain finished a long statement ranging over the whole field of foreign affairs with the confident declaration: “The Government, believes that in the end we shall succeed in bringing back security and confidence to Europe.”