The United States Note.

Press, Volume LXVIII, Issue 20715, 28 November 1932, Page 8

The United States Note.

The reply of the United States Secretary of State to the British Government's Note on war debts, printed in full in the cable news this morning, is a firm demand for payment of tho instalment due on December 15tli, with the sop added that such payment will greatly increase "the prospects of a "satisfactory approach to tho whoie " problem." It has been apparent for some days that, in the existing 1 temper of American politics and public opinion, nothing more could bo expected than a qualified promise of a conference or conferences to discuss revision of the present funding agreements; and it is therefore wise to accept Sir Walter Layton's verdict, with its implied criticism of American statesmanship, that the Note has "staled the American point of view." It is, in effect, a confession that both President Hoover and Mr Roosevelt are unwilling to face tho political disturbance (hat would follow an attempt ofi their part to induce Congress to accept another moratorium. The passage in the Note which suggests that the executive is not constitutionally justified in interfering between Congless and the debtor Governments is not entirely honest. Though it is true that tho final decision in any question affecting the war deb to agreements rests with Congress alone, it is equally true that by convention the initiative in foreign policy rests with the President. Moreover, as the granting of the Hoover Moratorium showed, Presidents do not always use this initiative with .1 nice regard for the feelings of ConNeither does the statement in the Note that tho President has been supplied with no facts in connexion with tho request for a moratorium " which could be presented to Congress 'for favourable consideration " suggest an adequate excuse for the President's unwillingness to give n, lead, l'lvery reason which justified the Hoover Moratorium justifies another moratorium; and the Lausanne reparations settlement is an added reason which outweighs all tho others. The Note takes an ostrich-like comfort in the " historic position of the United States " that reparations are solely a European

•' question in which the United States "is not involved." It would be equally sensible to take the view- that influenza is a purely European disease to which United States citizens are not subject. The reparations problem affects the prosperity and the political future of the whole world; and the United States, whether she likes it or not, is part A the world. Nor does it help matters to deny any connexion between war debts and reparations after they Jiavo been Avoided together by the pressure of circumstances. The Balfour Note stated plainly that the British Government Avas seeking 1 to equate war debts and reparations payments in lier national account; and although it was communicated to the United Stales Government nothing Avas heard of the " historic position " defined in the present Note. The Committee of Experts, presided over by an American citizen, Avhich drew up the Young Plan, added a recommendation approved bv the creditor Powers, that the benefit of any reduction in America's Avar debts claims should bo passed on to Germany in the form of reduced reparations annuities. Finally, Mr Hoover may not find it easy to show that at no time in the last twelve months has lie giA'en America's debtors any reason to believe that a settlement of the reparations question would be followed by a favourable reconsideration of Avar debts claims. It Avould be possible to discover many more faults in the logic of the United States Note; but its faults cannot alter the fact that, in the judgment of President H'uover, and probably of Mr Roosevelt, it says what most Congressmen are likely to think. And as Europe has learned from the sad example of President \\ ilson, if, is better in the long run that American Presidents should move cautiously in foreign policy.