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Press, Volume LVIII, Issue 17617, 21 November 1922, Page 6

As in previous elections the Opposition candidates and newspapers keep on making statements which are flatly contradictory of each other. Having mis-spent his later years by perusing the Opposition papers which daily and .dully reiterate that Mr Massey is runting the country, Mr CL.W. Russell clared in his opening speech that JSar Massey is an "utter and ghastly failure," and offers no policy "to lift the Dominion out of the slough of despair into which he has dragged it." But Mr McCbmbs, who tells the electors much the same story, has told another story to the Arbitration Court. "During the six months that have lapsed since the previous pronouncement of the Court," he said, "business has improved enormously." "New Zealand.' 1 he also said, "i 3 probably the most prosperous country in the world at the present time." These Opposition people cannot have it both ways.

Perhaps the most interesting example of the Liberal Party's belief—which remains strong in them despite the disaster it brought upon them in 1919 that they may contradict themselves with profit, is furnished by their handling of the matter of tax-free loans. Here, in sum, is their way of argument against objectors:— Liberal: "These tax-free loans are an outrage upon democracy. They mean the robbing of the poor for the relief of the rich." Objector: "But Sir Joseph Ward introduced the issue of tax-free . loans.". Liberal: "Sir Joseph Ward was only the Minister of Finance. The National Cabinet was responsible; which is to eay, Mr Massey. Mr Massey was responsible for the finance of the National Ministry, and not Sir Joseph Ward. Sir Joseph had no responsibility for the financial policy of that Ministry." Objector: "Mr Massey is certainly the safest man to trust with the national finances." Liberal: "Sir Joseph Ward is the greatest living, statesman, as the Chriatchnrch Liberal paper says, and

as Dr. Thacker agrees. He is also the greatest financier. He built up a splendid surplus of 15 millions cs Minister of Finance in the National Government." Objector: "But I understood from you that Sir Joseph Ward was not responsible ' for the financial policy of that Government." Liberal: "Oh, that is different."

Now, what does all this mass of humbug and inconsistency in the Opposition parties mean? Simply this: that they have no case against the Government such as an intelligent electorate would require as a reason for turning the Government but. Even if Mr Massey had not strong positive grounds for claiming the nation's support, he would still be well off in that remarkably good asset of Reform, namely, the unaffected dullness and homely dishonesty of the Liberals.

The Lileral candidnt? who is opposing the Hon. G. J. Anderson complained the other night that his opponent had many advantages in his favour in the contest, whereas he, the speaker, bad to "paddle his own canoe on a pushbike.'' But a man who can accomplish that remarkable feat should have no tear of «ny Minister; he shcu-d even overcome the handicap of having to carry the "grand old flag" of Liberalism, to which his leader refers in most of his speeches.

The Independent Progressive candidate for Grey Lynn has progressed' so far along the road of independence as to entertain doubts regarding the capacity of the present leader of the Liberal Party to guide the destinies of country. "He is a good type of man for a- smoke concert, but when it comes to leadership he is simply not in it." The qualities that go to make up "a good type of man for a smoke concert" arc, of "course, not to bo despised—at .a. smoke concert. But just as one would prefer, if at sea and overtaken bv a storm, that the captain of the steamer was a skilful and experienced seaman rather than an expert banjo-player, so at this juncture'most people would entrust the ship of State to the control of a. statesman with a reputation, for carefulness and trustworthiness rather than to a politician who, to say the least, has never earned that reputation.

"Through the Waikato," said Mr Wilford to a sympathetic Auokland interviewer, "I have noticed numberless instances of the small farmer changing to the Liberal side." We confess to some curiosity ns to how the political views of the small farmer can be gained by a glance at him from the window of a first-class smoking carriage on the Main Trunk express, and to some doubt as to whether the impression thus gained would be altogether reliable. There may, of course, be something in the appearance of a small farmer who has dropped Mr Massey for Mr Wilford which the latter can recognise at a glance-straws in his hair, or some other indication of a weakened inind. It is possible that a few small farmers have been amusing themselves by pulling Mr Wilford's leg. Small farmers are rather fond of doing this when clever city men like Mr Wil-. ford come into the paddock to pat their heads.

; Mr Bonar Law's Ministry, formed last month and now confirmed in office with a substantial majority by the general election of last week, is the first Conservative Government Britain has known for seventeen years. It was on December 4th, 1905, that Mr (now Lord) Balfour resigned office and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was entrusted with the task of forming a Liberal Ministry. Commenting on the situation thus created "The Times'' remarked that it was ten years and a half since the last Liberal administration resigned office. "The Unionist Party has been in power practically for twenty years, a period long enough to array against any Government difficulties due as much to its merits as to its defects. . . In the last twenty years great changes have been wrought in departments of national life which do not usually attract the serious attention of politicians.' The Unionist Party has in consequence temporarily lost its orientation, and while its principles remain clear, its practice has become confused. Therefore it is well •for the party and for its future usefulness that it should give place to its rivals for a time sufficiently long to enable it to find itself."

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman made Mr Asquith hi 6 Chancellor of the Exchequer, gave Mr Lloyd George his first step to Cabinet rank as President of the Board of Trade, an appointment which elicited from "The Times" the comment that he was "the most conspicuous of the militant spirits below the gangway," and that he had "a reputation for much cleverness." Tho illness (and subsequent death) of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman led on April Bth, 1908, to Mr Asquith's assuming office as Prime Minister with Mr Lloyd George as Chancellor of the Exchequer. A general election confirmed the Liberal Government's tenure of office.. Then came the war with its uprooting of peace time methods and traditions, and the advent of Coalitions. Mr Asquitli was forced to a reconstruction, which was followed in December, 1916, by his resignation. Mr Lloyd George then took office as Prime Minister of the Coalition Government, which saw the war to a victorious end, and was returned to power by the general election of December, 1918. The changes wrought in departments of national life during the last eight or ten years are immeasurably greater than those of the twenty years preceding 1905, and the Conservative Party has surely had sufficiently long to find itself.

—♦ \ It is interesting to recall that the late Sir" Henry Campbell-Bannerman was the first Prime Minister of Britain to hold that office by a title and on terms formally®known to the Constitution. On December 6th, 1906, a Royal warrant declared and denned the precedence assigned to the Prime Minister aa such. Hitherto the First Minister of the Grown had enjoyed no precedence by virtue of Mb office, nor had his authority rested on any more substantial tenure than that of Constitutional usage. He was simply the Minister who was entrusted by the Sovereign with the task of forming an Administration, and by virtue of this

commission his colleagues were appointed or dismissed on his advice. By the Royal warrant already mentioned, the prerogatives remained unchanged and undefined, but the title and office were officially recognised, and a very high precedence was assigned to the Minister h67ding them. He was given "place and precedence next after the Archbishop of York," which placed him higher than any personage of the realm except Princes of the Royal House, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord High Chancellor, and the Archbishop of York. In other words, the Prime Minister, next to the Lord Chancellor, was made the highest dignitary of the State, though taking rank after the two great dignitaries of the Church.