THE COLONIAL PREMISES AND MR CHAMBERLAIN.

Press, Volume LIV, Issue 9815, 26 August 1897, Page 5

THE COLONIAL PREMISES AND MR CHAMBERLAIN.

RUMOUKED SUGGESTIONS.

(FROM OUIt OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

LONDON, July 16.

Close secrecy has been preserved with reference to the conferences between the Secretary of Slate for the Colonies and the various Colonial Premiers, now in England, which took place during tho past fortnight. From the Premiers themselves nothing is to be obtained except the vaguest generalities. They stand pledged to secrecy, and they appear to have been thoroughly loyal to their pledge.

But certain reports are current as to things which happened during these confer* ences, and these reports certainly seem to come from the quarters that might be ex* pected to be well-informed. In fact I believe I should not be far wrong in indicating certain colleagues of Mr Chamberlain as the source whence these whispers have emanated.

One point which is said to have been discussed more fully and earnestly than any other is the possibility of some practical colonial representation Hading a place in the Imperial system of Government. On this head Mr Chamberlain is credited with a proposal, which does not seem yet to have the sanction of the Ministry as a whole, but to ivhich it is thought possibio he would be able to secure his colleagues' assent if ib proved acceptable to all the British colonies as a whole. Tho suggestion is not wholly a new one but takes a somewhat fresh shape. Mr Chamberlain's idea is said to bo that each of the three principal colonial groupa of Greater Britain should have a permanent representative in tho House of Lords. That is to say that each colonial federation would, by some method to be determined later* select its owu representative for this purpose who would receive a Peerage, and who, in virtue of that Peerage, would sit in tho Upper Chamber. Of course the Colonial Premiers would have preferred some scheme by which representation in the popular Houso could be secured. The future possibility of such a method is not despaired of, but its present; feasibleness nobody maintains. The questions involved are so various and the difficulties so many that this phase ef tho case was, I understand, put aside by mutual consent as hopelessly chimerical in the meantime ; at any rate it has to stand over for some future date.

But the House of Lords seomed to offer a more favourable field of operations, and I hear that each of the Colonial Premiers will take out with him something like a specific proposal on Mr Chamberlain's part in this direction. There would, I understand, be no difficulty iv carrying that idea into prac tice, provided the means existod of ensuring that the right man in each paso should be available. I mean that if Canada, the South African colonies and {he Australasian group—Australia, Tasmauia and New-Zea* lavd —could each, speaking with corporate voice, put forth a suitable man as the chosen representative of the group, there would be no difficulty about his having a seat in the House of Lords.

But it is here that the difficulties arise. In the first place Canada is at present the only Federal colonial dominion, the federation of South Africa and Australia hare jefe to come, and even when Australia shall have become federated that federation will assuredly not include New Zealand. It ia recognised that New Zealand would not be attracted by any scheme of the kind in which her own claims should be ignored ; and on the other hand so relatively small a population as that of New Zealand could hardly expect a representative to itself. So here is an awkward problem to be faced at the outset.

Even if that were disposed of there would arise the point whether Jho ohosen representative should be one elected by general plebiscite or by the votes of the Governments then in power, or how. And then a good deal would have to be said as to the extent and limitations of his functions. AU these matters involve so many complications and differences of opinion in the case ot a number of self-governing colonies that most people here are far from eangnine as to anything definite coming out of the suggestion, . Meanwhile > the respective Premiers will consult their Governments and Parliaments and will let Mr Chamberlain know the result.

But whatever may come of this suggestion will probably not accrue until some time in the distant future. For the interim Mr Chamberlain is understood to have another idea, which also is not wholly novel but winch seems to possess a somewhat bettor prospect of coming into definite effect. It has often been suggested that the Agents* General of the various self-governing colonies might, with much advantage to the Empire, be constituted as a Couacil of Advice which should meet regularly at the Colonial Office, so that the Secretary of State for the Colonies would be able to obtain the advantage of capable aud experienced colonial advice touching suoh questions of Imperial policy as might affect colonial interests. This suggestion seems to find*a good deal of favour. Its adoption would, it ie thought, be a step iv the direction of the Grand Federal Council of the Empire, which so many Imperialists desire to see established, and it would afford a ready and practical method of putting the Imperial Government in touch with the various colonies. At present this is only obtained in a moderate degree through the medium of the Governor of each colony aa the Queen's representative. But that gives the Secretary of State mainly the Imperial side of the case, and what, is wanted ia to get more directly at the colonial side. It is thought, therefore, that as each Agent-General would necessarily be kept posted up by his Government aa regards the public feeling at the time, a Council composed of the eleven AgentsGeneral ought to be able to convey to the Imperial Government a closer conception of prevalent popular opinion in the colonies than could be arrived at in any other way. It is deomed very probable, therefore, that Mr Chamberlain will take an early opportunity of calling into practical existence Buch a Council of Advice, and that fiven should his other suggestion be accepted by the colonies and prove practically feasible, the use of such a Council would ! not necessarily cease, but, on the oontrarjr, might be developed; while in any case the j fact thn-t such a corporate body'of colonial I experts can be formed in Westminster, ! close to the Imperial headquarters in Down* ing street, is thought to otfer potentialities for the benefit ot the Empire, both as a whole and in its parts, 'that should n« longer be allowed to remain passive. At the conclusion of the conference a very excellent photograph of Mr Chamberlain and the colonial Premiers was taken by Messrs Elliott and Fry, of Baker street. It shows Mr Chamberlain tjeated in the midst at the entrance to the Colonial Office and the eleven colonial Premiers round him. Oα the Colonial Secretary's -immediate right hand is Mr Laurier, next to whom stands Mr Seddon. Asi for Mr Chamberlain himself, nobody to look- at him would imagine that he has just passed his sixtieth birthday. He has more' the appearance of a smart and riairig 3'oung barrister of thirty than of a sexagenarian statesman. In reply to a question aeked in the House of Commons by Mr Hogan, Mr Charaberlaia said that the recent conferences between himself and the colonial Premiers had been for the most part informal and friendly conversations, and although a record had been kept for private reforence it was not intended to publish any report in fall. It bad been agreed that the address of the Colonial Secretary in opening the proceedings and a statement by the First Lord of the Admiralty should be published, together with a copy of the conclusions arrived at by the representatives present at the meetings.