Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

SANCTIONS QUERY.

NATIONAL INTERESTS. POSITION OF FRANCE. AMERICAN SENATOR'S COMMENT. By JAMES P. TOPE, member of the United States Senate and of the Foreign Relation* and Munitions Committees of the Senate. PARIS. When it was recently announced. thatEnglish and American interests had acquired oil and. mineral concessions in the Ethiopian territory coveted by Mussolini, it was thought that the entire situation had been changed; that the burden had been shifted from the League of Nations to America and Great Britain. Since the smoke has cleared somewhat, this conclusion seems unlikely. The only perceptible effect of the concessions has been to weaken public support of League sanctions in Great Britain and France; and, as yet, England is in the limelight casting a hopeful glance toward France to assume the role of leading lady. " Since the British Lion is not disposed to produce tho entire show without a strong supporting cast, the success or failure of League efforts to impose sanctions largely depends on France. At the outset it must be stated that tho primary factor in international negotiation iii Europe is national selfinterest. This national self-interest, in turn, is largely controlled by fear. The people of both England and France are mortally afraid of war. France's fear, of course, is engendered by Germany. Obviously, France is not going to lend support to any action, regardless of its nature, if the position of Germany may thereby be strengthened. While Germany is not strong enough to attack France at present, it is generally conceded that with one strong ally she would again rise to military power and splendour. The Fears of France. Such an ally might be found in Italy. Mussolini has ijoo,ooo trained soldiers, well equipped and ready to fight, stationed along the Austrian border. France and Italy havo established amicable relations, trottps have been withdrawn from their mutual frontier, and it is understood that if Germany attacks France, Italy will come to her assistance—provided the two nations do not become unfriendly in the meantime. What, then, is the likelihood of the French delegation to the League of Nations casting its vote for economic sanctions ruinous to Italy? Not only would a valuable international courtship be ruined, but tho French feel that Mussolini might elope with Hitler, who' is apparently maintaining a silent watch across the Rhine for that very development. The position of France has quite definitely crystallised, for these reasons, into an anti-sanction attitude. She, of course, may have a change of heart. For fifteen years France has endeavoured to get a promise of military support in case of attack. Nothing would be more valuable to this Republic than to have Great Britain say (in writing), "If you arc attacked by Germany, we will fight for you." In the suave language of the diplomat, the French desire assurances from Great Britain that "collective security" will be the order of the day, not only here but hereafter. " Come In, the Water is Fine." If England assumed the task of fighting the battles of France, it would be somewhat comparable to the assumption of Chinese protection by the United States. The English answer is, therefore, uncertain. On the other hand, one will he very idealistic to believe that France will take a chance of breaking off relations with Italy without a friend as good or better to substitute. France is desirous of maintaining the League of Nations and will probably do whatever is possible to preserve it—so long as Franco is not thereby endangered. The German complication, however, seems to have her completely checkmated. France seems to feel that she is standing on.the edge of a precipice with England shouting, "Come on in, the water is fine." France, however, thinks she can hear the English teeth chatter as they shout it. Instinctive self-preservation will, in my opinion, write the French answer to sanctions. At the present writing, it seems likely, to be "No." Whether that self-interest is enlightened self-interest is difficult to say. One thing is certain, however, that the principle of collective security as applied in this generation will succeed or fail in the next few weeks at Geneva. The French position seems to foretell failure, but many things can happen in two weeks. — (N.A.N. A.)

This article text was automatically generated and may include errors. View the full page to see article in its original form.
Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/AS19351014.2.177

Bibliographic details

Auckland Star, Volume LXVI, Issue 243, 14 October 1935, Page 17

Word Count
705

SANCTIONS QUERY. Auckland Star, Volume LXVI, Issue 243, 14 October 1935, Page 17

SANCTIONS QUERY. Auckland Star, Volume LXVI, Issue 243, 14 October 1935, Page 17