A FEW MORE WORDS ABOUT SOCIALISM

Auckland Star, Volume XXXIX, Issue 79, 1 April 1908, Page 6

A FEW MORE WORDS ABOUT SOCIALISM

(By Robt. H. BakeweU, __._».) Someone, who is . strictly anonymous, has been kind enough to send mc several numbers of the "Clarion," the well-known organ of the English Socialists. Will the sender accept my sincere thanks? The "Clarion" is, without exception, the most interesting newspaper I have ever read. I have read every article in the copies sent to mc. What I fail to find, and what I notice as characteristic of all the English .Socialistic writings, -including those pf ■ the -Fabian Society, is the .lack of any definite programme. They never tell us their final aims, nor how -they will begin. .Or, to use the technical terms, where is the terminus a quo, and what is the terminus ad quern? Do they propose to destroy the whole fabric of Government and Society, and if so, what do they intend to substitute for it? Admitting all the evils of the present social system, still it does afford us food, clothing and lodging—to a considerable number of us more, much more' than these bare necessities of life. It gives education (of a sort) to the .children, and -to the clever and diligent among them, it .affords the means of obtaining the higher education. Society encourages, to a very small degree, the' pursuits' of scientific men, ,and the heads of aU -civilised States occasionally, bestow "on the greatest men of science of their nationalities, when they are completely -worn out, and just tottering to their graves, some of those stars and ribbons and even tides which are .lavishly distributed to successful generals, successful politicians and statesmen, Court flunkies, \ and wealthy brewers. .Society, as at 1 present constituted, has founded :and supports many' benevolent institutions/ such as hospitals, infirmaries, schools for the blind, industrial schools for deserted or neglected children. It restrains, and to a small degree punishes' crime, when the criminal is not rich, and as the majority of criminals are poor, its restraints and punishments arc-by no means to be despised. Few persons, even among the poorest, like the idea of seven years' hard Tabourl

Society in civilised countries,;such as England, France, or Germany, .and the Scandinavian countries, protects life, punishes violent assaults on the person, and compels the payment of debts, unless the debt is very large or very .small. Altogether, when we come to think it over, Society, in its present very imperfect state, is uncommonly useful, and one would really like to know,' before joining any organisation for its destruction, what Mr. G. B. Shaw and Mr. R. Blatehford,. and the other great lights of the Socialistic movement, intend to substitute for it.

I observe that the Wellington Political Labour League modestly propose "the socialisation of all means of production, distribution and exchange." What this means, I do not understand, because. I do not know what is meant by "socialisation." It is quite clear, however, that any political measures Which can seriously affect aU the means of production, distribution and exchange, must be revolutionary in their nature. If everybody, instead of being master of his own land and of his own time, is to be the servant of the State, to -work under orders, it means a revolution, and 'a very bloody revolution. How do the Socialists propose to effect this? By legislation? But unless legislation is supported somewhere or other by force, it is useless. What is to be done with the large number of persons who are now employed in manufacturing or producing or distributing articles which are either luxuries, or, at any rate, not absolutely necessaries? Supposing such revolutionary legislation carried, in anticipation of the fighting that would assuredly take place, the purchase of all luxuries and unnecessaries would instantly .cease, and the hoarding of gold and silver, and jewels at once begin. Now, people of wealth, people who have incomes of, say, £50,000 a year, do not spend more than a twentieth part of it in necessaries. All they really will require for some years to come is plain food. Most of them have clothes, enough to wear for several years, if they do not, care—and they will not care--about wearing things that are shabby and out of fashion. Then would come civil -war, and all who have read history know how such a civil war would end.

Even the mere introduction of such revolutionary -measures into the Legislature, supported as it would be by a large number of members, would be sufficient to paralyse many important industries. There would be immediately a fall in all kinds of stocks; dividends wpuld cease; interest on mortgages and loans would not be paid. Tens of thousands of so-called "workers" would be, thrown out oj: employment. The State would have to support them. But where would the State get the money? From the Cusrtoms? But the dutiable goods we import are not necessaries of life. . We can do without tea, coffee, tobacco, wines, beer, and spirits, and a host of other things, which would be dispensed with in a revolutionary time. People.who have never lived in a place when a revolution or civil war is, going on can have no adequate idea how simple life can be, even among civijised people. >I lived once for two months in a town of which the revolutionary party had taken possession, during a civil war, which ended in the triumph of the opposite party. I never spent so little in two months since I had to provide for myself. All I bought was the bunting to make a Union Jack, a little meat, a little fish (all from the neighbourhood), gome bread, coffee, sugar, and a little coarse wine, which was cheaper than beer. Meat was only 2d a pound, fish cost next to nothing. A polite request from the Government for a loan was answered by a reference to the Uiiion Jack; another polite request to supply, horses and cattle for tJte> tixmjj

jby the statement that I had none, and another reference to :the Union Jack t paid a ludicrously inadequate rent for _ furnished house, because the owner wh« belonged .to t3xe defeated party thoulu it would be safer if occupied by an F™ hshman, than if he remained in ocr.f pation. Fh-ery.day we .were .expectuvr » relieving force; once a small force aid land, seized what they wanted, and went away agam. Once an ax mea school ) attacked the port; a large gunboat' was seat against it, and . witnessed for t™ - *»_W ,«_ _$$ '.wafhurt WWe &ed °* but *°wJ But during this time all the 'trade of the place was absolutely destroyed Th.people had to live on their savings, and |on food produced or grown within two or three miles of the city, and -within' range of the army of occupation. The™ were no imports, except of cattle and fish and a few vegetables, and no cv ports whatever. Not a single vessel P any kind left the port until I dl. la a schooner carrying the British flag. ' ' This was revolution on-_ very small ' scale-more like .a scene from an onei* than real life. Yet when I arrived there were the -marks of cannon balls and bullets on the walls of the houses, and during the whole time (two months). I was there, artillery and artillery u_n were posted in the principal street. _ Yes, I should certainly -like to see precisely what measures the Socialist L_ hour party purpose to take. It seems to mc as a singularly impartial observer that they have already middled and W • died as much as they will be allowed to 1 'TT h believe a S°od stand. / up -fight, with a thousand or two killed would serve to clear the poTitical atmosphere. People talk a lot of idiotic nonsense without any sense of respo.sk bihty; but when they come to govern and to put their ideas into actions, then they find out what,very rubbishy ideas .they have had. .Tookat John Burns for example, or Joseph Chamberlain, V the French Socialists, who have been mate .Ministers of the Republic. .How power ' has altered these men's ideas of .what'ia practicable! ,:

The fact is that the complexity of mo-' dern society, and the dependence of-one ,c ass upon .another, is so great ;that every change of any importance touches men of every class. Who would have thought that a financial crisis in the United States would .have gravely .affected .South wav tT 6 * t ha - S ' aDd *? Ver > ™& way. The Americans are. the sreatesfe buyers of diamonds in the. :world; hut W consequence of the financial crisis a few - ?„° W l B ** aVB - Mot to buy, but have been selling,. and that at a. much lower: price -than the South A™ lß ™ *«npna mines can afford to sell. The consequence is that Be Beers are going .to shut, down some of ,their mines and,greatly:limit the output - ■ - Another thing that seems to be forgot- ' ten by most Socialists is that the present estimated value, of the ■wealth of 'any cmhsed country is ;based on the supposed price every article that has a saleable value -would fetch if it were sold in 'the open market. But the valuers flo not contemplate, under ordinary circumstances, a forced orhurriedisale, and still / less the .simultaneous _ale of a vastnumher of similar-articles of property;- In a time of revolution, the valueYof property that cannot come into immediate use, or for which cheap substitutes can easily he found, sinks - down to the Jevel of-such substitutes. Suppose Socialism-were-to ! triumph, and.we were all toi be-cheer- : ■fully occupied in paying each other's very •modest _alaries, 'working for the "State," and paid by -the "State,", what.-would foe the-value ofbig.houses.-nUedmtn'heautU fuland costly furniture? : !

The French have'had a lesson-recently ' ■em this matter. Some few years ago, 1 the French .Government- confiscated all "the • property of the religious": orders in France. They had not the slightest right or shadow of a right .to do this. It was an act of pure robbery by armed force,.: just as that of pur Henry-VOL, when he .seized all the property!of the monas-: ■ tic or regular orders in England.."The .'■-. Minister who proposed the law of confiscation stated that'the property of theSo orders was valued at about -One milliard Wf francs, which is ; equal to;about £40,000,000. This was a most extravagant estimate, but let it stand.', The funny thing is that the 'French^-Govern-ment, so far from having made a profit ■out of the -transaction, -find that the expenses of administration and sale, ojten exceed all that they get -from the land. Only the other day, one of, the Ministers read.out .in the Chamber'of DeputieVa doleful account pf losses incurred on jtro- '■ perty confiscated. It must be remembered that a great deal of this property consists of large houses, such as seminaries i or colleges, or hospitals, which can, onlybe used profitably for the purposes for. which they -were built, and which cost;? " -very large sums for alterations and.fur-; niture if they ;have to he applied to othe.r. 'purposes. What could he done -witljffctie. greater number of the large houses, occupied at present by ■wefljtjhy; persons, their families, and .servants! Under a Socialistic regime the. only use that .could be made of most of fchsni' would be to make them tenement houses, ; and lodge a number of families in them. 1 ; Perhaps in a few cases they might be -used as lodging and ■ boardinghouses for young, unmarried men. But they would, soon become unpopular. Their rich, decorations would be spoilt by carelessness,* ; or from want of timely repair; there , would be endless squabbles among the wo'menkind if they. were occupied by families, and there would he Very few cases in which, sufficient young men could be found in country districts. Fancy Chatsworth or "Trentham turned into barracks for single young men. And who is to control the occupants? There must be some kind of control exercised, even if only to prevent fire. They must be supplied with water, and arrangemehta would have to be made for the sewerage, drainage, lighting, warming, repair of ■windows, and a thousand other items. What government, either municipal .'or general, can undertake all these matters all over the country, besides managing all the productive and distributive agencies, and the media of exchange} (To be concluded.) 4-rthui-st., Onehunga, March 28th, 1908. '