IRISH NEWS

New Zealand Tablet, Volume LI, Issue 45, 12 November 1924, Page 43

IRISH NEWS

IRISH PILGRIMAGE TO NORTHERN IRELAND AND THE BOUNDARY COMMISSION—BRITISH M.P.'S IN DUBLIN—CABINET CHANGES— CUMANN NA N-GAEDHEAL.

The Dublin correspondent of the London Catholic Times writing towards the end of September, says; The National Pilgrimage to Lourdes takes place in a few days. More than four thousand persons, including many invalids, will travel from Ireland to Our Lady’s famous Shrine some by the overland route, othersand this is an innovation — Dublin to Bordeaux by sea. His Eminence Cardinal Logue had hoped to accompany the pilgrims, but the condition of his health unfortunately forbids him to undertake a lengthy journey at the present time. His Grace the Most Rev. Dr. O’Donnell, Coadjutor Archbishop of Armagh, will, however, go to Lourdes, where he will present the Bishop, in the name of the Irish people, with a bronze cross and crown for the adornment of the Rosary Church. The pilgrimage, this year on a much larger scale than heretofore, has brought to light, in a striking manner, the. unchanged devotion of the people, many thousands in every county, who cannot go to France, having hastened, in conformity with the exhortations of the Hierarchy, to associate themselves through appropriate devotions with the prayers of those who go on the great voyage .of faith. * * * The Northern Cabinet’s decision to adhere to its resolution not to appoint a representative to serve on the Boundary Commission caused no surprise in the Free State, when it was recognised that Sir James Craig had committed himself too definitely to the extremists to change his tactics in deference to moderate Conservative opinion. As things stand, it is difficult to see how the boundary controversy can be carried further, or how any rapprochement can bo reached, until the Commission has reported. Then, provided “powerful sanity,” to recall Lord Morley’s phrase, informs the conduct of the Imperial Authorities, it may he possible to hammer out some formula of peace. But oven should ultimate accommodation prove impossible, to speak as if an award favorable to the Free State might lead to civil war between Ulster and the rest of Ireland, is, of course, unworthy of a schoolboy. Assume, for the sake of argument, that the Commission decided that Fermanagh and Tyrone ought to be detached from the excluded area, and that subsequent negotiations between North and South were barren of result. The Free State, in that case, would notunless its rulers suddenly became demented — drive, or try to drive, the “Specials” from Omagh and Enniskillen. It would rest with the British Government to see that the contested territory was peacefully transferred, for, until the transfer actually took place, the Imperial Authorities would remain, as at present, primarily responsible for the maintenance of public peace. Thus, if Belfast felt moved to use its guns, it would be compelled to use them against British troops, not against soldiers of the National Army. 'When that was realised, the war spirit would not survive for long in Orange breasts. Loyalty, indeed, might not act as a restraint; but a surer restraining force could be relied on —the desire to avoid hostile contact with soldiers trained in France. m « « A number of British representative of the various parties in the House of Commonsspent a recent week-end in Dublin, where they had interviews with several leaders of opinion. Their presence did much to counteract the unfortunate impression created by the visit of Viscount Curzon’s party to the border, though the letter published by the tourists to the North on their return from Ulster played, perhaps, an equally important part in dissipating Southern suspicion. Rapid political tours have not, in general, much to recommend them, but the Dublin venture has done good, I think, quite apart from its connection with the boundary dispute. It brought, for instance, rum-

hers of Conservatives to Dublin, who might never, otherwise, have braved the perils of the Irish Sea, the unknown terrors (J life in the Free State. That, in itself, justified the visit, for our guests, having seen us as we are, will recognise, no doubt, the weight that ought to be attached to the utterances of propagandists who write as if “Here Be Dragons” might be marked appropriately on the maps of the Free State. « ■» * Rumors of impending changes in the Cabinet persist, inspired by the knowledge that members of the National Group, tired of exile in the Opposition benches, are anxious to return to the Ministerialist fold. The relations between Mr. J. McGrath and his erstwhile colleagues have lately formed the main topic of conversation in political circles in this country. Mr. McGrath has stated, it is true, that he has no intention of resuming the responsibilities of office “for the present,” but his protestations have merely added a new zest to gossip in the Dublin clubs. Sensation in this dull season is, apparently, required, so Mr. McGrath is named Minister for Defence; General Mulcahy, Speaker of Dail Eireann, -while Mr. Grattan-Esmonde is included in the Cabinet. It is all very thrilling, and must cause Deputies whose names are mentioned in connection with the formation of quaint and unlikely coalitions considerable amusement. But, in dismissing random gossip, one must emphasise that Ministerial changes may quite possibly occur when Dail Eireann reassembles. It would be premature, of course, to speak dogmatically, as yet for nobody can foretell what political realignments may take place before November. A summary of the “cleavages of thought” by which the Cumann Na n-Gaedheal (the official Ministerialist party) has been troubled may, however, help to elucidate a tangled Parliamentary situation. » * * In Dail Eireann, as constituted at present, the Cumanu Na n-Gaedheal occupies a position of commanding strength—no Government could possibly be formed without its sanction and support. But Parliamentary security, as was inevitable, perhaps, has led to the growth of welldefined differences within the party. Though these differences originated in the days of the Republican campaign, they did not become acute until last spring, when a number of officers attempted, it will be recalled, to establish a thinly-veiled dictatorship. All sections of the party were united in opposition to the militarist claim, but very different views were held as to the strategy by which it should bo countered: Mr. McGrath believed that the mutineers could be persuaded back to their allegiance; General Mulcahy thought that exemplary firmness was required ; Mr. O’Higgins and the President felt that compromise was- necessary. The counsels of Mr. O’Higgins and the President prevailed, and, as a result, Mr. Me Grath went over to the Opposition, while General Mulcahy resigned from the Cabinet, though he remained, as ho still remains, a member of the Ministerialist party. Since then the Ouraann Na h-Gaedheal has been divided on another issue, viz., the attitude it should adopt towards Mr. McGrath and his supporters. A majority—a large majority is anxious, it is said, to facilitate their return from opposition; but, then, this difficulty presents itself: Would a rapprochement with the National Group lead to the withdrawal of other elements from the Ministerialist party? Supporters of General Mulcahy could hardly be expected to welcome an alliance with Deputies who rejected their interpretations of the military crisis, but, paradoxically enough, they are not the strongest opponents of reunion—much more decided opposition comes from the Right wing of the party, which is represented in the Cabinet by our most energetic Minister of State.