Hibernior Hibernis Ipsis

New Zealand Tablet, Volume LI, Issue 9, 28 February 1924, Page 49

Hibernior Hibernis Ipsis

Archbishop Redwood is an English Catholic, and he is proud of his nationality; but, at the same time, he is absolutely devoid of the prejudice and narrow-mindedness which often prevent Englishmen of less noble nature from doing justice to Ireland. His Grace never forgets that, as a young priest, when holding a professorial chair in Dundalk, he spent ten of the happiest years of his life among the green lulls of Ireland; he whs consecrated on St. Patrick’s Day, and no Irishman has'warmer devotion to the great Apostle of the Gael; in New Zealand, a very large proportion of his clergy have been sons of the Patron Saint of Erin ; and in many parts of the old and new worlds he has been warmly welcomed by bishops and archbishops of Irish blood or birth who have learned to regard this staunch champion of the old land as one of themselves. An honest seeker of the truth and a man of deep culture, no racial bias distorted bis vision of Ireland’s wrongs; and not only his sense of justice and his love for freedom, but also his pride in his own country, inspired him, time and again, to utter fearless and dignified protests against the conduct of Governments which were as discreditable to England as they were cruel to the oppressed nation across the Irish Sea. No sophistry, no motive of self-interest obscured for him the broad principles of Christian ethics. What was wrong was still wrong even when his own country was the wrong-doer, and wrongs must be righted even though the righting of them involved material losses that wore more apparent than real. - Hence, from his home in Wellington, when travelling abroad, and whenever the occasion demanded, Archbishop Redwood spoke nut eloquently and “bravely on behalf of Ireland. Ear back in the stormy days of the Plan of Campaign, when he was a young Bishop, Dr. Redwood stood on a public platform in Carlow, side by side with the representatives of the Irish people who were fighting for Home Rule. He was the fust Bisnop, in Ireland or out of Ireland, to take such a public stand, and during the half century that has since elapsed he has been consistent in his advocacy of the principles so courageously defended in those early days. When the Great War came upon us, and the whole round world was ringing with the splendid cry of the Entente Powers: “Small nations must be free to determine their own form of government,” his Grace was not slow to see that such a profession and such a pledge on the lips of English statesmen was a contradiction and a scandal while they were still holding Ireland in chains by brute force. And so it was that in its efforts to make known the truth about Ireland’s fight for freedom in those terrible years, the New Zealand Tablet had no 'truer friend and no more powerful champion than the Archbishop of Wellington. His courage, his sincerity, his love of truth have found ample vindication in the events that occurred in recent history. Ireland won her right of self-determination and her own tricolor flag floats among the banners of the nations to-day. Therefore, while all Catholics in the Dominion - owe him honor and reverence as their spiritual chief, we who -are of Irish blood are bound to him by special bonds of affection and gratitude which it were a shame for us ever to forget. And in. order to stir up more effectively these sentiments on the occasion of his Golden Episcopal Jubilee, wo deem it right to publish here the text of the famous speech which he delivered, amid enthusiastic cheers, before the Australasian Delegates who thronged the Auditorium in Melbourne, on November 2, 1919, to demand from England for Ireland the right which in the name of the dead soldiers was pledged to all small nations: , __ - ARCHBISHOP REDWOOD’S ADDRESS. I am glad to be here to propose the first resolution just read to this crowded and distinguished audience. 1 am an Englishman, and, in more than one respect, I am

proud of my birth and my country, and of the great worldwide British Empire. But, in regard to the Irish question, in regard to Ireland’s inalienable right to self-determina-tion, and her right to follow unto national independence, her most able, cultured, statesmanlike, and valorous leader, de Valera, I am, by conviction and sentiment, as Irish as the best Irish themselves. % And why am I so? Because I know Ireland, because I spent ten years of the best years of my life in Ireland, because I know the history of Ireland, and, consequently, the lamentable story of her wrongs and woes for many centuries at the hands of the misgovernment of England. By England I mean the government, not the English people at large, and, especially, not the great English democracy. For, what do the vast majority of Englishmen know' about the true history of Ireland? As little as 1 knew myself for years— that is, very 'little indeed, and that little mostly lies. They have been craftily and systematically kept in the dark regarding Ireland. They are hapless victims of a false tradition, of accumulated lies and misrepresentation for centuries and centuries. At the back of the misgoverning gang in England, there has been the venal and corrupt press, misleading the peo.ne, as it does to-day, in America, Australia, New Zearvu 1, everywhere; and, at the same time, there has been a conspiracy of silence, a determined and relentless suppression of every fact, every event, every agency, every inflnem.e telling in favor of Ireland, and of every argument militating for Ireland’s right to self-determination and national independence. . ENGLAND’S MISRULE OF IRELAND. When I, like any other honest, fair-minded, and enlightened Englishman, consider this long misrule seriously, I am filled with mingled indignation, sorrow', and shame— Indignation at the long list of injustice, tyranny, cruelty, corruption, persecution, and calumny. Sorrow at the irreparable losses sustained by England throughout these ages of misgovernment, and particularly in modern and more recent times. Shame at the sight of my country made the derision, the disgrace of the civilised world. I feel what a loving and dutiful son would feel we-3 he to see his beloved and venerable father, misled by evil counsellors and wicked surroundings into a series ol ignominious crimes. How can England ever adequately atone for her crimes and misdeeds toward Ireland? How can she repair the losses incurred by her unwisdom? Just think of it for a moment. Ireland, at the beginning of the 19th century, had a population of eight millions— she has only four millions. Millions of Irish sadly left their dear ’ native land, to cross the broad ocean into exile, all animated ami justly animated against England, all burning with righteous indignation against their pitiless oppressors and persecutors. At their tearful departure the misleading organs of English public opinion, like the London Times , exulted at their going, and said; “The Irish are going with a vengeance, and the day is not far distant when an Irishman will be as rare as a red Indian on the banks of the Manhattan.” Words of more than Neronian atrocity. Those millions sent abroad by English misrule, those millions grown into many more millions, wqnld have been, under a better government, still in Ireland at the outbreak of the war. What a magnificent array of the defenders of the Empire would have been forthcoming! No need then of conscription and all its woes. Germany would have never dared to challenge the British Empire, with smh a multitude of able, valiant, enthusiastic, and invincible defenders. Who, then, can Calculate the losses to the Empire of these exiles of Efin — in every direction, national, commercial, military, scientific, literary, and artistic? And oh! the shame of it ! But shall that shame endure? No. Thousands, nay, millions of Englishmen, as the litd,t of the true history of Ireland dawns upon them, as the cloud of ignorance and prejudice vanishes from their gaze, millions are determined to wipe away for ever this disgrace

to-the British name, this foul blot on England’s escutcheon. The enlightened democracy of -England is Ireland’s solid hope, and its day. is coming. They will in their hour of triumph see justice done at last to Ireland, see her achieve her right to self-determination and national independence. , ' DID IRELAND LOSE HER NATIONALITY? But did not Ireland long ago lose her nationality by conquest? No. Might is-not rightor else no God of Justice rules the world. Conquest does not necessarily involve the destruction of nationality—or what would be the nationality of Boland, Belgium, and Serbia? One can conceive that when a conquered nation, after the conquest, has met with a wise, a just, a conciliatory government, it may become reconciled to its fate, and freely accept the nationality of the conqueror; in short, exchange its nationality, and then tire -free consent of the governed that fundamental democratic principle of legitimate powergives to the conqueror a rightful title to- the allegiance of the conquered. But that has never been the case for Ireland. She has never had from her pretended conqueror a wise, or a just, or a conciliatory government, but only continuous tyranny, coercion, robbery, and forced union with the conqueror. A century and more of that deplorable and disgraceful alliancemiscalled the Union—one of the most detestable instances of bribery, corruption, and tyranny that ever polluted the pages of history—a century of futile attempts to govern Ireland has iguominiously failed. The fact is patent to the world. And why? Because England has had the mania of wishing to govern Ireland by Englishmen, in English ways, for English interests, and English ideals; whereas Ireland requires to bo governed by Irishmen, in Irish ways, for Irish interests, and Irish ideals. And that is the meaning of Sinn Feinism. All good Australians, all good New Zealanders are, or ought to be, Sinn Feiners. Their motto is Australia for the Australians, New Zealand for the New Zealanders, just as Ireland’s motto is Ireland for the Irish. Gladstone, that; great Englishman, Gladstone, in his memorable advocacy of Horne Rule, uttered words to this effect—l quote from memory: ‘‘Ransack the annals of the civilised world, and 1 defy you to find any worthy repre-, sentative author of any nation, that has ever written anything but censure, condemnation, and disgust on England’s government of Ireland.” Scrums judical orbis terrarum. The civilised world’s judgment carries insurmountable weight and authority—the world’s judgment is absolute and irrefragable. Yes, Ireland is a nation, and deserves to be treated as such. Her nationality is the oldest in Europe. She was a nation when the inhabitants of Britain were ignorant and gross barbarians, and she helped to christianise and civilise them. As Cardinal Mercier —a man of world-wide fame, great learning, and consummate virtue—says in his address of thanks to Ireland: “It.is inconceivable that the nationality of Ireland, the oldest and purest in Europe, should not be recognised by the League of Nations.” FIGHTING FOR FREEDOM OF SMALL NATIONS. At the outbreak of the war, our ears were wearisomely dinned with the loud and emphatic assertions of the most representative speakers and exponents of public opinion in England, that we were fighting for the freedom and independence of the small nations, for the right of the small nations to self-determination. Where is the fruit of those words now ? Were they then but sheer mockery and hypocrisy? We were told, again and again, that the object of the war was the utter destruction of Prussianism, and lo! to-day the small nation at England’s door, the nation whose nationality is unequalled in Europe for endurance and dignity, is the goaded victim of the. most barefaced and outrageous Prussianism; as the world at

large now knows, as the world was unmistakably told, throughout the United States, by the commission composed of unexceptional and distinguished citizens and officials of the great American Republic. Their report, their irrepressible report; is a standing and crushing condemnation of the present, policy and action of England’s misgovernment of Ireland, and, .for any man of common sense and honesty, it dispenses with any further argument. Further arguments, however, abound. Take, for instance, the late action of the United States Senate, which, by a majority of sixty to one, passed a resolution claiming a hearing at the Peace Conference for the representatives of the people of Ireland. Remark that this is ..by far a larger majority than that which declared war on Germany, and that party lines in the Senate were completely obliterated. The majority is also vastly larger than that on the resolution to arm the American merchant marine prior to America’s entry into the war. A prominent American says: “Tips is easily the most important and significant action taken by America in opposition to England since our forefathers declared, against the rule of George III.” Listen to the comment of the Manchester Guardian “We have all been unpleasantly reminded of this fact—that unsettled questions have no respect for the peace of nations minds by the almost unanimous adoption in the American Senate of a resolution unmistakably sympathetic with 'Sinn Fein. The portent is that a House of Parliament, in a nation which is our nearest approach to a close friend in the world, should publicly express this implied condemnation of our undemocratic practices within oui own borders. So the Irish sore goes on poisoning the Anglo-American friendship on which the whole world, and especially the English-speaking parts, largely depend for their happiness and perhaps for their safety, in the troublous times that are opened out by the failure of the peacemakers to do their work as well as the soldiers did theirs.”* Listen, again, to the declaration of the Daily Herald (the Labor organ in England): “It will not do for the English people to assume that the Senate vote does not matter. The fact that it was passed by sixty votes to one is sufficiently astonishing; but we have in addition to note that the House of Representatives passed a similar iosqlution last year, that Congress has now a Republican majority, and that party lines were obliterated in the Senate vote.” IRELAND THE SUBJECT OF THE WORLD’S POLITICS. The English Tory press is dumbfounded at the vote. How different from what they expected, considering the vast sums spent on anti-Irish propaganda in the States and the rank and prestige of the men sent over to combat the growth of Irish feeling there. A few of the baser sort of journals speak of the “impertinence” of the Senate, forgetting that England as a Great Power owes its -continued existence to American money and men. No nation can long continue to ignore the pressure of a powerful creditor. America now dominates the world, and the questions of maritime supremacy, and world-trade are filling thoughtful British minds with disquiet. Ireland for the first time in, her - history has become the subject of ‘the world’s politics. So let no one despair : there are better times coming. Demonstrations like this great Irish Race Convention, • are eminently calculated to defeat the conspiracy of silence and lying, and bring about the reign of justice “which exalteth a nation.” Ireland is a nation, whose nationality has proved itself indestructible by any weapons that the wit of man can devise, a nation in every sense of the word geographically, politically, socially, morally, and historically, and, as such, she has an inalienable right to selfdetermination and complete self-government.