Current Topics

New Zealand Tablet, Volume L, Issue 14, 12 April 1923, Page 18

Current Topics

Mulcahy and de Valera During a debate in Dail Eireann on January 24, General Mulcahy announced that he had secretly met Mr. de Valera some time previously in order to give him an opportunity of explaining his attitude. In the course of the interview Mr. de Valera had stated that he did . not agree with what was being done by the Irregulars and that he was not responsible. Now, said General Mulcahy ; is the time for Mr. de Valera and others to speak out. "If they do not speak out within the next few weeks, then they give the wheel another turn, and the Government which is responsible for the country must be prepared to face whatever the next turn of the wheel brings." From this as from other indications it is evident that not only does de Valera not appprovo of the methods of the Irregulars, but also that he is powerless to' control them. He is leader in name alone, and in spite of his silent disapproval, he is held responsible by the people, as "A.E." reminded him.

A Collins Book Recent Home papers announce that the Talbot Press is.about publish a book containing notes found among Michael Collins's possessions, and also some short essays on Irish political history, and an examination of de Valera's alternative proposals. Among the notes is found the following denunciation of the Irregulars : *

“Their action has been a crime against the Nation t _ O in this—that the anarchy and ruin they were bringing about was undermining the Nation itself. So far as it succeeded it was proving that our enemies were right, that we* were incapable of self-government. When left to ourselves in freedom we could show nothing of the native civilisation we had claimed as our own. The Black-and-Tans, with all their foreign brutality, were unable to make of Ireland ‘ an appropriate hell.’ The Irregulars brought then* country to the brink of a real hell. . '. If they had succeeded in destroying the National Government, and in reducing the country to anarchy, the greatest evil would have been, not that the English would have come back, but that they would have been welcomed back, that they would have come, not as enemies, but as the only protectors who could bring order and peace.” Th© following passage indicates what high hopes ho had for the future of his country:

"Ireland is one—perhaps the only— country in Europe which has now living hopes for a better civilisation. We have a great opportunity. Much is within our grasp. Who can lay a finger on our liberties ? - If any power menaces our liberties we are in a stronger position than before to repel the aggressor. That position will grow stronger with each year of Irish freedom if we will all unite for the aims we have in common. Let us advance and use these liberties to make "Ireland a shining light in a dark world, to reconstruct our ancient civilisation on modern lines, to avoid the errors, the miseries, the dangers, into which other nations, with their false civilisations, have fallen."

Married Priests Several correspondents have sent us cuttings from papers which published the ridiculous canard about the number of married priests in France since the war. The following paragraph from Catholic. Truth (the organ- of the Loudon C.T.S.) is sufficient comment: "Another ridiculous report as to ■ married' priests has been published, this time in the Newcastle Dai/// Chronicle of December 13. The report from ' a Special Correspondent' says that the intention of founding a new Church is announced in France by three hundred priests ' all of whom are married,' and it goes on to

estimate that there are several thousands (!) of married priests in France. It is needless to tell Oath dies that there is not a word of truth in these wild and unauthorised rumors, and that they will do their duty with perfect safety by contradicting* flatly anyone who* may repeat them. Their very extravagance destroys their credibility. Last July the Daily Mail quoted an Italian paper to the less harmful effect that cardinals and bishops were petitioning the Holy See to be allowed to marry; but they published a correction immediately afterwards, and also a letter from the Secretary of the C.T.S. (sent before the correction appeared) daring the Italian paper to substantiate its statement. The latter of course made no attempt to do so, and we feel certain that the ! special correspondent ’ of the Newcastle Daily Chronicle, to whom we have written, will be equally impotent.”

The Tauranga Election We took but little notice of the Taurauga election and wo were not astonished at the result which, as a matter of fact, we expected. Sir Joseph Ward was badly advised to contest a seat which so recently had returned a Reform candidate with a large majority. Possibly if it had been a fair and square fight between himself and Mr. McMillan he would have won, but it was nothing of the kind. He"had to fight the whole Reform Party, who brought all their weapons to bear on him. And when we say all their weapons everybody understands what that means. The papers tell us that in his speech, after the results were made known, he said that he knew how the election had been fought against him but would make no comment. We all know what he meant, as we all know how the Reform Party fights when afraid. Protestant Literature r/o fro/- is spread broadcast; the sewerage of the P. P.A. is turned loose on the public ; and the No-Popery liars are called forth from their lairs and dens. That is the conception the British Gentlemen of the Reform Party have of a fair fight usually. The election was interesting from one point of view. It threw more light on the political wisdom of Mr. Massey, Prime Minister of New Zealand. That cultured and scholarly gentleman, who once stood on the streets of Wellington, hand to nose, to show his contempt for the people, acted like a Zulu on the war path during the fight. "I'll jump clown your neck!" "If this country isn't good enough for you, get out," etc., etc., were the specimens of political wisdom, of ministerial culture, or Orange sanity displayed by our Prime Minister. And so, this Orange Gentleman, his many underlings, including poor Parr, including the Prohibitionists, and the reliable and trusty warriors of the infamous P.P.A., won a victory over poor Sir Joseph who, though defeated, fought like a Christian and a gentleman. What will Mr. Massey have to give the P.P. A. now for services rendered ? Be sure they will put on the screw.

Secret Diplomacy Again

Much of the trouble in Ireland to-day is due to the “secret diplomacy” of Mr. de Valera before the Treaty. Had he taken the. country into his confidence, had he told the people that when he asked them to trust the delegates implicitly and fully' he did not mean what he said things would be different now. More light was thrown on the ante-Treaty debating recently by Mr. O’Higgins, in comment on an interview given to an English journalist by Mr. d© Valera. Mr. O ’Higgins says that in the light of what happened at the meetings of Mr. de Valera’s Cabinet before the Treaty it was very hard to understand Mr. d© Valera to-day. Document No. 2 was an admission that the Republic could not be obtained, and Mr. Barton, in a publication issued after the Treaty, said it was well recognised that it was physically impossible of attainment. *De Valera himself suggested the following form of oath : J y

“I, Eamon d© Valera, do swear to bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of Ireland and to the Treaty of Association of Ireland with the British Commonwealth of Nations and to recognise the King

of Great Britain as head of the associated States." The oath actually incorporated in the Treaty differs little from this, as it is an oath of allegiance to the Free State and of fidelity to the King dependent on the Free State's association'with the British. Commonwealth. It is not an oath of allegiance to the King, nor an oath of a subject, for fidelity is between equals and hence a plain-speaking member of the Dail declared during the debates that he would not shoot a dog for the sake of the difference between the two oaths. Mr. O'Higgins revealed that there was some discussion as to the payment of an annual tribute to the King, by way of contribution to his personal revenue. Cathal Brugha opposed it strongly but under pressure from de Valera it was agreed upon by the Cabinet. Before the delegates went to England (says Mr. O'Higgins) de Valera "painted with a heavy brush the necessity for compromise and the terrible consequences of noncompromise." He also insisted that his oath of allegiance to the Republic only meant that he would do his best for Ireland as circumstances might demand. He said he would not bind himself by oath to any particular form of settlement. It was only due to great pressure from de Valera that Michael Collins consented to go to London. Collins held out against going for a long time but de Valera insisted.

I wish to record my personal opinion said Mr. Higgins, that no public man was ever so treacherously treated by a colleague as was Michael Collins by Mr. de Valera.

All the evidence goes to show that de Valera abandoned the Republic before the Treaty. Harry Boland told Bishop Phelan to speak to the people of. the United States on these lines. Dr. McCartan frankly told the Dail, in debate on the Treaty, that the Republic was let down, not in London, but in Dublin, and that, though he was a Republican, he would rather stand with the men who signed the Treaty than with the quibblers at home. Griffith, Boland, McCartan, O’Higgins, and scores of people through the country all testify that de Valera was seeking deliverance from the “strait jacket” of the Republic which he believed impossible of attainment. But as soon as the Treaty was signed he turned on the men who signed it and pretended that the Republic was his ideal. From America he sent us word not to advocate a Republic but to insist on self-determination. Collins and Griffith signed as a pledge to recommend the Treaty to the Dail. The Treaty was ratified by Dail Eireann and acclaimed by the Irish people exercising their right of self-determination at the elections. Then de Valera denied the right of the people to self-determination and. determined to coerce them by force to accept his viewsthat is, his latest views. It is no wonder that a staunch, whole-time Republican wrote us from Ireland that de Valera had failed miserably in the crisis and proved a worthless leader.

Towards Peace « There are indications that the people of Ireland are becoming tired of the civil strife which is plunging their country into ruin, and that many of the Irregulars are ready to lay down their arms in spite of the danger to themselves in doing so. Liam Deasy, whom Collins regarded as the bravest and most efficient of the commandants in the war against the Black-and-Tans, recently made overtures, together with hundreds of other prisoners, engaging to attempt to persuade their friends to lay down their arms. Commenting on this move, the Nation and Athenaeum, February 17 says: J ' t The issue of peace remains foremost in people's minds in Ireland, and the negotiations entered on a new phase last week. Liam Deasy, the Irregulars' assistant chief of staff, then a prisoner in the hands of the Free State Army, followed up steps he had taken m the same direction when at liberty by a circular letter to-his colleagues containing proposals for capitulation. His action was recognised by the Free State military authorities in a new offer of amnesty to all who surrender their arms before February 18. Deasy's proposal has been formally turned down by Liam

Lynch, speaking on behalf of the Republicans,, but not before it had been backed by-hundreds of Republican prisoners in Limerick and Clonmel, and by the surrender of armed bands in Westmeath and Cork. "/' It is still to be seen whether the rejection of this-particular proposal ends the matter for the moment, or whether dei Valera will seek to regain in interminable discussion and unending counter-proposals the ground he has lost everywhere else. - Free State opinion regards the surrenders which have taken place as the beginning of a landslide, and it is plain from their very exhortations to stand firm that great nervousness pervades the dwindling Republican ranks. The moment is propitious for peace. Such honest men as remain to them must be dismayed at the barbarity of the struggle, and such political sense as they have left must recognise its suicidal nature.

On this point an Irish correspondent writes : “The honorable way out is for the Republicans td throw themselves into a constitutional campaign for the revision of the Treaty. The doctrinaires amongst them hold themselves debarred from this course by the terms of the oath as at present in the Free State Constitution. It is a self-created difficulty which anti-dynastic parties on the Continent have always ignored, but it is none the less real, as is shown by the interview published this week by the Manchester Guardian with such a typical intransigent as Miss MacSwiney. The interview was her attempted defence of Mr. de Valera against a damaging analysis of his conduct by the Free State Minister of Home Affairs, and in its course she was asked:

_ ( Question —Supposing the oath then were made optional ?

‘ Answer Then we should go in and fight them perhaps. I am not sure. We want the oath to be taken out completely.’ “Miss MacSwiney, it will be observed, speaks only of possibilities, and her hungry intransigence will not be satisfied by the mere deletion of the oath. But it is quite certain that an optional or revised oath would completely change the character of the struggle," In an editorial on the subject the Freeman (Dublin) says: A great hope has seized the heart of Ireland. The fighting men, not the hurlers on the ditch and the men “who belong to no party," are making a genuine effort at peace. Liam Deasy, under sentence of death, has asked for time to attempt something “for the future of Ireland.” Six hundred prisoners in Limerick have also asked for an opportunity to press upon their leaders .the futility of the war of extermination. They do nob want Ireland to be turned into “ashes and blood," to use their own words.

These men are no doubt prisoners, and they will be reproached in some mean quarters with concern for themselves; but those who remember Michael Collins’s description of Liam Deasy will be able to discount any depreciation of Liam Deasy’s purpose. Up to the mement of his capture Deasy was a leading brain in the fight against the Free State. He has faced death a hundred times for his opinions. His eagerness for the fight did not begin when the fight was to be with his own countrymen. He fought the British foot to foot through Munster. If he has agreed that the fight against the Irish people’s will and desire should now, cease, we may rest assured it is because he, as a soldier, has taken the measure of its hopelessness. His peace overture is an act of genuine moral courage. The Limerick prisoners are unanimously of the same mind. The Government have received these overtures as we should have expected. As their proclamation shows, the Government are not “out for scalps," nor do they believe in a policy of victimisation, sorely as they and the people whom they represent have been- tried. At Liam Deasy’s suggestion they have suspended all executions for the time being,- even though the campaign of destruction . goes on; Nobody will any longer have a doubt where the responsibility rests for the continuance! of the struggle. Moreover, the Government will ;be given a perfectly free hand. They -cannot again be indicted for the measures necessary to put an end to a

suicidal war. The man responsible for this war himself invoked it by the horrid word "extermination.” The leaders of the campaign of destruction, however, have shown no readiness to accept the olive branch that has been offered to them, Liam D easy’s peace initiative has been turned down by Liam Lynch. The rejection does not put any obstacle on the path that lay before the Irish people and the Government. On the contrary, both have shown their readiness to pursue peace if possible by the methods of statesmanship. They have demanded merely the guarantees that would secure the peace when won. Mr. Liam Lynch, who owes his liberty to the Irish Generals’ too trustful acceptance of his word of honor, insists that the fratricidal war shall go on until Mr. de Valera’s vision of "'extermination’’ is fulfilled. We have the conviction that both these war-makers will be disappointed. The country is able to judge, not merely between the patriotism of Liam Deasy and the patriotism of Liam Lynch, but between their capacities to measure the possibilities of the situation.