THE GREAT IRISH – AUSTRALASIAN CONVENTION

New Zealand Tablet, 20 November 1919, Page 9

THE GREAT IRISH - AUSTRALASIAN CONVENTION

IRELAND'S RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION ENDORSED >. GREATEST DAY FOR IRELAND AUSTRALASIA HAS EVER SEEN

«*Cf«On, Sunday, November 2, we found ourselves amid the thousands of delegates from all parts of Australia and New Zealand, on the green lawns of Fitzroy Gardens, where a fine band discoursed Irish airs. The fine elms afforded a grateful shade; and beneath them moved happy crowds, wearing green ribbons or tri-color badges. Soon the red tassels of Archbishop Mannix's biretta were noticed moving above the heads of a throng of admirers who flocked round him as he passed along. Later, at St. Patrick's Cathedral, 7000 people assembled to hear Father Lockiugton, S.J., deliver an impressive address on Irish ideals. lOn Monday the real work began. Early in morning we went to "Raheen," where we had the pleasure of being introduced to Dr. Mannix by Archbishop Redwood. It was with no small delight we heard then that New Zealand's Metropolitan was chosen to speak to the first resolution, and surely none more eloquent could be found than this venerable English prelate whose love for Ireland is a source of admiration for us all. At 10.30 a.m. 3000 delegates thronged the hall and galleries of the Auditorium, and we were privileged to find ourselves on the stage close to the speakers. Clearly and eloquently Dr. Mannix opened the Convention with a note of prayer and gratitude. He went on to ex'plain that the time had come now for us all to. declare whether we were going to stand by the Irish people and their leader or not. lie explained how the elections proved that Sinn Fein was Ireland's policy, and de Valera Ireland's leader. Premier Ryan then spoke and put the resolutions before the meeting. To the first and greatest Dr. Redwood spoke amid frequent and prolonged applause that rang through the hall and galleries as he affirmed, his belief in Ireland's right.to self-determination and our duty to support Eamon de Valera. When the motion was put by the president the hall rose en masse, 'cheering and waving Sinn Fein flags. . Every hand was uplifted in affirmation, and there was not a single dissentient voice heard. Archbishop Kelly once more repeated his profession of faith as an Irish patriot. "We are" willing to fight and die for Ireland if necessary, but now we are called on to live for Ireland." Speaking to the resolution of raising an Irish Fund, he urged that it ought to be taken up

State by State and parish by parish, and again the motion was received with magnificent enthusiasm.' ''-. ■

The following is the official report of the speeches. We add but one word. The Tablet was the first Australasian paper to stand fast for Sinn Fein and for the memory of the men of Easter Week. We have had our crosses and contradictions, we have had bitter opposition, in some cases amounting almost to persecution. At this Convention we thought gratefully of how Archbishops Redwood and O'Shea and the dear dead Bishop of Dunedin stood by us in our trials, and we were not a little elated to witness how striking was their vindication and our own at this hour. Let us forget all that now, and henceforth remember that we, the- Irish race in Australasia, are pledged to support Sinn Fein's demand,.for self-determination, and that de Valera is our leader.

For two hours prior to the opening of the doors of the Auditorium, Collins Street, the vicinity was crowded with delegates and visitors eager to take part in the proceedings of the Convention. During the wait the St. Augustine's Orphanage Band played a programme of selections from the balcony. Within a quarter of an hour after the opening of the doors, the spacious hall was filled in every part. The entrance of his Grace the Archbishop, accompanied by the visiting prelates and the inter-State speakers, was the signal for a striking demonstration, the audience springing to their feet and giving, vent to their enthusiasm by : round after round of hearty cheers and waving of national flags. ; When the Archbishop rose to declare the Convention formally opened, he received a magnificent ovation, which was continued for several minutest ;§,* ?:C •"£_? '->.'.■ .. ■'" V" |lf , THE RESOLUTIONS. At I the opening of his speech the Archbishop of ■ Melbourne read the three resolutions to be proposed, : as' follows: ' 1. "We, th\e delegates to the Australasian -Irish- Race Convention, assembled in Melbourne, affirm , the right of the people of Ireland to choose their own form 1 of Govern- : ment, and to --govern -their.;, Country without " interference from any- otherna/bion; we endorso Ireland's the

nations for international recognition; and we pledge our support to Ireland's chosen leader, Eamon de Valera." 2. "That an Australasian Irish Fund be opened to help the people of Ireland to press to a successful issue their legitimate claim to complete self-determination; that the Archbishop of Melbourne, the Honorable George Meagher (Bathurst, N.S.W.), and Count O'Loghlin, K.C.S.G. (Victoria) bo treasurers of the fund, and that the Dominion of New Zealand and States of Commonwealth be invited to organise local efforts in support of the central fund." 3. "That copies of the foregoing resolutions be sent to Eamon do Valera." OPENING ADDRESS BY ARCHBISHOP MANNIX. His Grace spoko as follows: Our'' first duty is humbly and reverently to raise our hearts to the God of Freedom and Justice, and to ask His light and guidance for this historic gathering. The prayers of Ireland's scattered children, the prayers of her living and her dead are with us, and God will not fail to hear. *■■ THE PURPOSE OF- THE CONVENTION.

My lords and ladies and gentlemen, I will not, for moro than a few moments, stand between you and the practical work of this great Convention. The circumstances in which I took it upon myself to call you together

are .well known, and they will be, I trust, my sufficient : apology for taking the initiative in bringing about this great gathering of Ireland's loyal friends under the South- , -ernQross. We are here for a declared, definite purpose, to support Ireland's claim as expressed at the last general election in Ireland, and to . support her chosen leader, Eamon de Valera. This is no time. for ; halting words or balanced phrases. We are with the f Irish people, or we ,; rare' against them. We help them openly or we leave them to their fate. .I* venture to say that no more representative ; - body has ever met 3 in Australia. I therefore thank you all, and in Ireland's name I thank Australia arid New Zealand for this striking s proof of loyalty to the Old Land. ■'"■■lt will give hope-and heart to Irishmen at Home to" J find

you share .their passionate devotion to justice and to freedom, and that your love to Ireland is as deep and true and tender as their own. . (Loud cheers.) „ , V We are not here through hate of any land or f any people, no matter how deeply we and our fathers have been wronged. We are here for love of Ireland. But in pleading Ireland's cause, we claim, and we know, that we are helping to remove the blackest stain , upon the Empire to which these southern lands belong, and for whose honor and existence they have fought. (Applause.) We know that this Irish question is not a mere Imperial matter, much less is it a domestic question for British politicians to temporise with and wrangle about. It is, and they know it is, a question in which America and the nations are vitally interested. It is a question with which the lasting peace of the world is very intimately bound Up. We, the delegates to this great Convention, are engaged, therefore, in no petty, paltry quarrel. We do not intrude in a matter with which we have no concern.* Ireland has done much for Australia and New Zealand. (Cheers.) -....'•-

IRELAND LOOKS TO AUSTRALIA. • -. I need not dilate upon this topic, for you know the history of your country, and the presence of the Premier of Queensland —if, indeed, he still be the Premier recall the names of other Irishmen which have passed into Australasian history, and of the chairman himself I may say that Ireland and Irish Australia have no reason to he ashamed of him either as Premier of Queensland or as the prospective Prime Minister of the Commonwealth. Yes, Ireland has every right to look to Australia for sympathy and help, and she will not be disappointed. And England is equally bound by every obligation of honor and gratitude to listen when Australia and New Zealand demand freedom for Ireland. They fought side by side with England for the Empire. They fought for the freedom of the Belgians and the Poles and the Jugo-Slavs; but 60,000 Australians, and other thousands of New Zealanders, did not give their blood and their lives that Ireland's chains might be more firmly riveted than ever. I must not, however, pursue that topic. This is not the time or the place for words of heat or passion. Our case is strong and therefore it befits us rather to be calm, cool, and logical, if at the same time resolute and unflinching. (Applause.)

NOT HERE TO DICTATE IRELAND'S POLICY. *> We are not here to dictate Ireland's policy. We are here to support her policy. It has always been the prerogative of the people of Ireland to frame and to modify their national policy, and the policy they adopted has always secured the support of Ireland's loyal sons in Australia and New Zealand. Irish Australasia, therefore, is on historic and broad traditional lines, when we gather together to support, not some line of action that might seem tactful or promising or effective to this or that individual or section, but to support the policy which the Irish people at home adopted deliberately and with striking unanimity at the last general election in Ireland. For us to attempt to revise that policy, to suggest any alternative of our own, would be an impertinence at any time; but especially now, when self-determination, which is really Sinn Feinism, is on everybody's lips. (Applause.) Ireland may from time to time find it necessary to change the immediate objective of her national policy. But wo are found to-day where Australia, and New Zealand have always been, that is, supporting the legitimate policy which Ireland, has adopted. (Loud applause.)

IRELAND'S ALMS DEFINED. ~ Ireland has defined her aims—she has chosen her loaders. She claims the right to. live her own life and shape her own destiny without interference from outside. She stands apart in blood and race and soul and ideals. Man, indeed, has vainly sought to join what God has put asunder, but we, I hope, in this hall are on God's side. (Applause.) lb matters not to us that President Wilson has railed to apply his lofty principles to the case of Ireland, and that the Peace Conference has so far failed to give Ireland a hearing. For Ireland's right to walk her own way unfettered did not come from President Wilson or the "Big Four," and it cannot he taken away from Ireland either in Paris or Washington. It is a God-given right to Ireland as to the other nations, and that right Ireland has never surrendered. One may well doubt whether any generation of Irishmen Mould have, the right to mortgage the country's future and part with her nationhood, but at all events Ireland never did, and, under English rule, never had any inducement to do so. Her faith was banned, her trade was stifled, her people impoverished, buried in paupers' graves, or driven as exiles to the ends of the earth. She was ruled with a rod of iron in the interests of a petted minority, alien in blood and faith and p sympathy. When I was a boy I remember that one of the -first.things

evirv , as , :t i lat f ,° r almost : a hundred years almost WaTi/ ear had -brought. a new Coercion -Act Ho : Ireland. Was it any wonder that m these circumstances every%n¥Ireand m fi re K an 2 its-own armed uprising,^ in which Ireland fell back bled ' and ! exhausted, yet not subdued nort3 e + i bU ,\ Ulle " and ' ex Pectant of another oppoitumty and a better day? (Applause.) At the present moment we are told that r the King's Writ does not run o?ii ! i?' r 1? th , t he h-People are-no more reconPni n "f 118 ? 1 rule than they were in- the days" of Oliver Uromwell of pious memory. (Laughter.) - ; ; i-r > >u^s;

ENGLAND'S ANSWER. ')**! f iffi* ™,{+Wi tJ16 ? re f nt > l oment & takes 100,000 British troops, ;'' tll f eir tanks ?nd machine-guns, to keep up the pretence of maintaining English rule in the country, and ;in the face of this what is England's answer? Either more tanks and machine-guns, or else the promise-a promise from those, by whom she has been many times betJayedof some paltry concession provided that it meets with the approval of that small minority in whose interests Ireland is held and tortured. (Applause.) How long, I ask, will the nations—will the Empire, to start with—how long will the Empire look upon that scandal, and. how long will the nations stand by and see that long-drawn tragedy of the oldest nation of them all? English rule—and I say it without fear of contradiction—in Ireland is condemned by its fruits. Those who know the true significance of Easter Week and of the present military domination in Ireland, will be ready to say, although they have no special sympathy with Ireland, that the time has passed when the world should tolerato this tragedy of English rule in Ireland. (Applause.) /

IRELAND— NATION SELF-GOVERNED. - At all events, Ireland has turned her back upon beggarly concessions and halting and blundering attempts to mitigate the evils of foreign and hostile rule. Her objection is—this, too, I say deliberately— not really to bad government from outside, but to any government from outside. (Loud applause.) Her motto is, "Ireland, a nation self-governed, peaceful, reliant, progressive, friendly with all nations without exception, seeking no quarrel with any of them, but brooking no interference from them in her own national affairs." (Applause.) That was the substance of her claim at the Peace Conference, and that is the claim, I hope, we are going to make here to-day. Ireland has kept—whatever doubt other people may express—scrupulously within the four corners of the ethical principles laid clown by the Pope, and after him by President Wilson. It was President Wilson himself who said there should be no peace, and there ought, to be no lasting peace, that ''does not accept the principle that Governments derive all their just powers from the consent of the governed." I wonder if he has forgotten all that now ! That, at all events, is Ireland's case in a nutshell. (Applause.) On that principle Ireland bases her claim for self-determination, and bases her claim, too, for the indictment that she lays against England, and to that indictment England has yet offered no answer but the rattle of English guns. Must it be said that in spite of all our preaching to the Central Powers, in spite of all our godly posturing, that after all might still is right when might is in British arms and Ireland has no stronger weapon than a righteous cause? (Hear, hear.) It : may have been that some interested people were able to , raise technical difficulties about giving Ireland a hearing at the Peace Conference, but they cannot raise the same difficulties before the League of Nations. But the Powers, represented, at the Peace Conference made little account of points of honor or procedure or technical, obstacles when they had their own interest to serve. The real obstacle was that England, knowing that she had no case, barred the door of the conference against Ireland, and once again "might was right," and that at the conference which was to end all wars as well as the martyrdom of the /weak nations. (Applause.) One is tempted to speak the words of truth and give rein to one's indignation, but in the atmosphere of this assemblage it is . better to leave* unspoken the words that come to one's lips. .. : V

IRELAND IS A NATION. V" rSWhen English politicians.;are in desperate straits they pretend to think that ' Ireland, is not a nation. It is a futile pretence. For more than 700 years England; has been made to feel that Ireland is a nation. (Applause.) English politicians have tried every means of extinguishing the national spirit, but on their own confession they are no nearer to success than in the days of Oliver Cromwell. (Applause.) They are so solicitous for Ireland's welfare that they fear that Ireland could not stand alone, that Ireland could not do without her fairy godmother—(laughter)—who has been squandering her own wealth to f support her poor relation they say. Ireland has counted the

cost I—she 1 —she will take the risk, and relieve the fairy godmother of R her self-imposed task. (Laughter and applause.) They pretend, to, believe that in an independent Ireland the Protestant minority , would be made to . suffer. Their susceptibilities £ for minorities elsewhere are not so keen and tender, but in any event Irish Catholics - have this to ;, their creditthat they have never persecuted their fellow-countrymen for i conscience', sake. (Loud applause.) They :i then tell us that Ireland is not united, and that Irishmen ,do ; not know what they want, but Ireland has made her mind, clear, and she is politically more united than England herself, or any nation, old or new, in Europe. (Applause.) Finally, -they say that England cannot tolerate at her very door the setting-up of a free and independent and probably hostile State. That argument we can also understand, however we may marvel at their audacity in bringing it forward. It means, of course, .once more, that where England is concerned Might is Right, that being a strong nation she has the right to seize any territory that she thinks or pretends to think will give her. greater security in her island home or in her far-reaching dominion. It would give her the right to seize, if she were able, and fortify the Belgian and the French coasts, as well as the J Irish. " That would be a nice commentary upon President Wilson's famous almost forgotten—-Fourteen Points. But in reality there is no reason for thinking that even" an ;: . independent Irish Republic would be hostile to England, or to any other nation. Even if she were, those who were so insistent on the League of Nations, and so hopeful of its results, might have had the fairness to admit that a league that was going to keep the whole world in order would be able to shield England from the attacks of her little neighbor and to keep that little island in the Atlantic in order. (Laughter and applause.) But, of course, the fact is—and it is a manifest factthat Ireland, like Australia, is a peace-loving country. (Applause.) WHAT IRELAND WANTS. All Ireland wants is to be left alone to live her own life and develop her own resources. England and Ireland were meant by God to live in neighborly friendship ; man, by drawing them into a false and unnatural union, has in all things that matter driven them poles apart. In war and in peace, in working for material good or in facing a common danger, England could surely expect more help from a friendly independent neighbor than from a hostile Ireland held down by force, from a sullen Ireland within the Empire but not of it. (Applause.) Is it any wonder, therefore, that an able and distinguished writer, himself an Englishman, advocates in the English press self-deter-mination for Ireland without any limits, and suggests the establishment of an independent Irish Republic? His name is Mr. Erskino Childers. I know that people will blame this English writer for suggesting, and the Irish people for adopting, what they call an unconstitutional policy, but I venture to say that Ireland has already been put outside the pale of the British Constitution, and that by England herself. I do not refer to the fact that Ireland has never enjoyed the benefits of the British Constitution as they are to be found in England and Scotland and Wales. My point is that England, or rather that English politicians, have repeatedly and deliberately laid down the principle that Ireland cannot, despite the King, Lords, and Commons, have the benefit of any Acts for the better government of Ireland, unless that Act has the approval of a certain small minority in the north-east corner of Ireland. (Applause.) What is the significance of. that? My point is that by adopting that principle, or- because so many of England's i politicians adopt it, England has put Ireland outside the British Constitution. Among so-called democratic nations, so far as I know, England stands ; alone in going on her knees to a turbulent minority, and Ireland is alone in having to bear such humiliation. (Applause.) However that may be, I submit that in acting in this undemocratic manner England has not merely abased herself, but she has violated the root principles of the British Constitution. ': IRELAND OUTSIDE THE PALE OF THE BRITISH ":. CONSTITUTION. '

By her own deliberate act, England has now placed Ireland outside the pale of the British Constitution, and, having done so, England is surprised that she is taken at her word. At all events, Ireland has taken \er stand and chosen her leader. (Applause.) She has sent her representative to America to explain her policy and to seek for aid, and in America de Valera has got a reception such as no -monarch or statesman has ever received' in the great Republic of the West. (Loud applause.) It" is for us here to-day to say whether we stand 'with America is for ns to say whether -we are with Ireland or against her. : I, at all events, have no fear of the result. (Applause.) (i S n I will now ask the Hon. T. J. f Ryan to take the chair. (Applause.) 7 His loyalty r to the Empire no man may ques-

tion. /But, no matter what position /the, future may have in store l for him, he will never . have''ah opportunity of doing a more signal service to the Commonwealth or to the Empire than that which he renders to both by throwing in the weight of his influence for a final settlement of the Irish question. ""' : '- ; . : . V ' -*' -'■••-■The Archbishop resumed his seat amidst hearty applause, the immense gathering springing to their feet and cheering again and again. ■

" / THE CHAIRMAN'S ADDRESS. , Hon. T. J. Ryan, who was received with great applause on rising to speak, said : My Lords, Reverend Fathers, ladies and gentlemen, I feel deeply sensible of the very high honor that has been conferred on me in asking me to take the chair at this representative gathering of the Irish race. I am not here, ladies and gentlemen, as representing any political party, but as a citizen and as an Australian of Irish descent. (Applause.) No one will deny the right of all citizens to hold their own views on any particular question without involving the political party to which they belong. His Grace has said that this question should be approached from a .calm, cold, logical aspect. I agree with him. This is a matter to which well-balanced facts should be . brought to . bear, and this is a time when we should speak in language which not only can be understood, but which cannot be misunderstood. (Applause.) There are some facts that stand out, and the first this: that the present position— the position for many "years in Ireland has been unsatisfactory. (Hear, hear.). That fact is admitted by all parties. Since the rights of the Irish Parliament or of the Irish people were treacherously taken away by the Act of Union the government of Ireland has been a dismal failure. There has been a series of rebellions and a series of famines, and half the population of Ireland has been driven across the seas, and by reason of that fact no doubt Ireland has received during these; many years much moral and financial support for her cause from her sons who have been driven out by the bad' government in Ireland. (Applause.) Ireland has always claimed the right to self-government, but experience has led to a universal distrust in the sincerity of the British Government with regard to proposals which have been put forward for the bringing about of self-government. I have had an opportunity of seeing de Valera. (Loud applause.) I suppose the public of Australia know all about it by now. (Laughter.) And I had an opportunity of meeting other public men in Ireland, and there was one thing they were agreed upon—that they were unanimous —and that was that they mistrusted the sincerity of any proposals that were put forward by the British Government. (Applause.)

WHAT ACCENTUATED IRELAND'S DISTRUST. I find that what accentuated that distrust was the fact that armed forces had been allowed in Ireland for some considerable time which were not under the authority of the Executive Government, but which were under the authority of a small minority of the people. It was more accentuated still by the fact that when proposals were brought forward for self-government and that when the Convention was sitting in Dublin, simultaneously proposals were brought forward to impose the shackles of conscription on Ireland. I found, too, that Ireland was practically under military occupation, and that there were barricades in the streets of Dublin. I visited Liberty Hall, the Labor headquarters in Dublin (applause)—which were covered by barricades through which were holes for rifles, and altogether it was a shocking commentary, and is a shocking commentary, upon our boasted liberty that Ireland should be under military rule. (Applause.) Reading the press recently we see illustrations undeniable illustrations, seeing the source from which they come —of the unjust manner in which that military rule is being carried out. The position then is unsatisfactory. Is it the people of Ireland who are to blame? Is it the country that is to blame? All the citizens of Ireland who have gone overseas to other .countries have been able to reach the highest position in civil, commercial, and other walks of life. (Hear, hear.) So it is not the people who are to blame. Is it the country that is to blame? No. Ireland is a fertile country — a prolific country— two things combine. Then it must be the government that is to blame. (Loud applause.) And as his Grace remarked — or implied, at all eventsgood government is no substitute for self-government. The war, we are told, was fought for the nations that have been granted self-determination—-complete self-determination —by the.. Peace Conference, and upon the basis that the majority should have the right to decide. Ireland is denied that right. Ireland is the only country in the world where a minority is given the right to decide what her form of government shall be." s .The question is not ; a : religious one. (Applause.) One has only to visit r Ireland i to * know : that, and , one , need only read .. the

history of Ireland's : cause to know that. The long ? series of public men .who have devoted their services to Ireland : show that - the ; question -is * not ~ : a religious : one, although there are some who would have us believe that it is. (Hear, hear:);/They, would have us. believe that it is in .order to suit their own purposes arid -their own ends. '(Applause.) l I know, ladies and gentlemen, and I cannot be unaware of it, that in ; the position before Australia to-day an -effort

will be made to make it appear a religious one. The question is whether we are able to rise to the occasion and understand it is not. I speak of the whole of the people. I have perfect confidence myself that they will, provided the issue is put before them properly. (Loud applause.)

AUSTRALIA'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS IRELAND. Not being residents of Ireland ourselves, our function is in Australia —for after all the Government should be carried on with* the concurrence and with the consent of the governed use -our influence to bring about the application of the principle of self-determination for Ireland. (Applause.) It is not our function and it is not our purpose to interfere in the internal policy and say what particular form of government shall be carried —that is a matter for the people of Ireland themselves. (Applause.) But 'we can do a —I am satisfied that we can do a great deal to secure the application of the principle of self-determina-tion to Ireland, and then leave Ireland to work out her own destiny. I know that the democracy of Great Britain —the democracy of England and Scotlandare not opposed to giving the right of self-determination to Ireland. (Loud applause.) I think if; right that I should say that, because I know it is a fact. I have been through England and through Scotland, and I know the democracies of those countries stand for giving the same right of self-deter-mination to Ireland as is given to other countries. I had an opportunity of being in conference, and it was a Labor conference, at which there were representatives of the British Labor Party and of the Irish Labor Party. Mr. Arthur Henderson, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald, and Mr. O' Shannon were present, and a resolution was passed with their concurrence, affirming the right of the Irish 'people to political independence, and requiring that this determination should be expresssd by a democratic decision—that is to say, by equal and secret adult suffrage,. apart from all military, political, or economic influences, and equally free from limitations or restrictions imposed by any Government. (Applause.) The conference appeals to the Powers and to the Peace Conference to do justice to the justified claims of the Irish people. After all, what are we appealing to? We are appealing to the public opinion of the world. (Applause.) It is not only in Ireland that there are people who understand; the principles of justice. We do not claim that it is. But we do claim

that when: the people of Ireland stand for the great principle of self-determination that they can appeal to arid rely upon the .support of the democracies of all the ■; countries of the world. (Applause.) The more we use and are r prepared to admit that we rely upon ,the.support of these democracies and i that we require!their support, then the more we bring about that state of public opinion that will compel-the. British Government to conceive what Ireland is asking for. (Applause.) ' r - ; § & have + J T d me, your Grace, that we have to be brief by setting the example yourself, and I think I have covered the ground now that I set out to cover. o, TrT n + lS 1 / inSatlSfactory - it is not the IrishS people stand for the extension [of the principle of self-determine tion, and we ask for the same consideration to be given to us as to the representatives of these other democracies. It may be some, inspiration to us to think of the lives of those who have gone before those who have spent fill T S *S h V? g * for T the cause of Ireland, including those who fought fr Ireland and who sometimes have tailed That will appeal to those of us who are Irish or descended from the Irish, and I think this meeting here to-day will be able to do something to help .forward the cause of Ireland and to help to bring about what we all wish her to be—"great, glorious, and free, first flower of the earth first gem of the sea." (Tremendous applause.) c ™ ,Y- . nov call upon his Grace Archbishop Redwood, of Wellington, to move the first resolution.

ARCHBISHOP REDWOOD'S ADDRESS. -7 , His Grace Archbishop Redwood, of Wellington, New Zealand, whose notable address frequently elicited cheers and applause during delivery, said: : I am glad to be here to propose the first resolution just read to this crowded and distinguished audience. I * am an Englishman, and, in more than one respect, I am proud of my birth and my country, and of the great world-wide British Empire. But, in regard to the Irish question, in regard to Ireland's inalienable right to self-determination, and her right to follow unto national independence, her most able, cultured, statesmanlike, and valorous leader, de Valera, I am, by conviction and sentiment, as Irish as the best Irish themselves. And why am I so? Because I know Ireland, because 1 spent ten of the best years of my life in Ireland, because I know the history of Ireland, and, consequently, the lamentable story of her wrongs and woes for many centuries at the hands of the misgovernment of England. By England I mean the government, ■ not the English people at large, and, especially, not the great. English democracy. For, what do the vast majority of Englishmen know about the true history of Ireland? As little as I knew myself for years—that is, very little indeed, and that little mostly lies. They have been craftily and systematically kept in the dark regarding Ireland. They are hapless victims of a false tradition, of accumulated lies and misrepresentation for centuries and centuries. At the back of the misgoverning gang in England, there has been the venal and corrupt press, misleading the people, as it does to-day, in America, Australia, New '$ Zealand, everywhere; and, at the same time, there has been a conspiracy of silence, a determined and relentless suppression of every fact, every event, every agency, . every influence telling in favor of Ireland, and of every argument militating for Ireland's right to self-determination'., and national independence. -i ENGLAND'S MISRULE OF IRELAND. When I, like any other honest, fair-minded, and enlightened Englishman, consider this long misrule; seriously, I am filled with mingled indignation, sorrow, and shame Indignation at the long list of injustice, tyranny, cruelty, corruption, persecution, and calumny. Sorrow at the irreparable losses sustained by England throughout those ages of misgovernment, and particularly in modern and more recent times. Shame at the sight of my country made the derision, the disgrace of the civilised world. I feel what a loving and dutiful son would feel were he to see his beloved and venerable father, misled by evil counsellors and wicked surroundings into a : series of ignominious crimes. - --.•- How can England ever adequately atone for her crimes and misdeeds toward Ireland? How can; she repair the losses incurred by her unwisdom ? Just think of it for a moment. ;> ./■'■*■■■: ! -~\.. ■ '. /' ,:f" % ~ 'W Ireland,: at the beginning of. the 19th century, had a population of eight millions-—to-day , she . has ? only four millions. Millions of Irish sadly left : their dear native land, to cross ~the broad ocean into exile, all animated and justly animated against England, all burning .with righteous indignation against their pitiless oppressors and • persecutors. At their tearful departure the misleading organs of English public opinion,; like London Times,

exulted ~at their -' going, and said: ;: 'The" Irish are going with a I vengeance, • and ( the :i day . is T not far distant: when an Irishman will; be as rare as , a red Indian on the banks of the Manhattan." Words/of more than Neronian atrocity. . millions sent abroad by English misrule, those millions grown into many more millions, would have been, under a better government, still in Ireland at the outbreak of '• the war. What a magnificent array of the defenders of the Empire : would have been forthcoming! No need then of conscription and all its woes. Germany would have never dared to challenge the British Empire, with : such a multitude of able, valiant, enthusiastic, and invincible" defenders. Who, then, can calculate the losses to .the Empire of these exiles' of Erinlosses in every direction, national, commercial, ' military, scientific, literary, and artistic? -.' . '■ :t Arid oh! the shame of it! But shall that shame endure? No. Thousands, nay, millions of Englishmen, as the light of the true history of Ireland dawns upon them, as the cloud of ignorance and prejudice vanishes from their gaze, millions are determined to wipe away for ever this disgrace to the British name, this foul blot on England's escutcheon. The enlightened democracy of Eng-

land is Ireland's. solid hope, and its. day is coming. They will in their hour of triumph see justice done at last to Ireland, see her achieve her right to self-determination and national , independence. ■ v \\ v DID IRELAND LOSE HER! NATIONALITY? But did not Ireland long ago lose her nationality by conquest? , No. ; Might is.;not right — or else no God of Justice : rules 'the world. Conquest does; not necessarily involve the'destruction of nationality what would be the nationality of Poland, - Belgium, and Serbia?. One can conceive ' that when a conquered nation, after the conquest, has met with 'a wise, a : just, a conciliatory government, it may become reconciled to its fate, and freely accept the nationality of the conqueror in short, exchange its nationality, and then the consent of the governed. that fundamental democratic principle of legitimate power—Ogives to the conqueror a rightful title to the allegiance of the conquered. *'But that has never been "the case for Ireland. She has never had from/her pretended conqueror a wise, or. a ; just, or. a conciliatory government, but only continuous tyranny, coercion; / robbery, and forced union with the conquer '.■■'■: A century and more of that deplorable and disgraceful / alliance —miscalled the Union — one of the most detestable instances of bribery, corruption, and tyranny/that ever polluted the pages of history—a century of f utile/attempts to govern Ireland has ignominiously failed. The ; fact is patent to the world. And why? Because England ; had the mania of wishing to govern Ireland by Englishmen, in English ways, for English interests, , and English ideals whereas Ireland requires to be governed by Irishmen, in Irish ways, for Irish interests, and Irish ideals. And that is the meaning of Sinn % Feinism. - All good Australians, all ~ good . New Zealanders are, or ought to be, - Sinn Feiners. », ; Their. motto is Australia for the Australians, .., New Zealand- for the New Zealanders, just as Ireland's motto is Ireland for the Irish.

;::■::' Gladstone, 1 *; that 2 great: Englishman; ~ Gladstone, in- his memorable advocacy of Home Rule, uttered words to this effectl quote from memory: "Ransack the annals of the civilised world, 'and I defy you to find* any 7 worthy representative author of any nation, that has r ever written' anything but censure, condemnation, and disgust on ; England's government of Ireland." : Securus judicata orbis terrarum. The civilised world's judgment carries insurmountable weight and authority world's judgment : is absolute and irrefragable. : *-'.'• ■'■<'•},--i->~'£ --.:.-"■«■'/• Yes, Ireland is a nation, and deserves to' be treated as such. Her nationality is the oldest in Europe. '" She was a nation when the inhabitants of Britain were ignorant and gross barbarians, and she helped to christianise and civilise them. As Cardinal Mercier — man, of worldwide fame, great learning, and consummate virtue—in his address of thanks to Ireland: "It is inconceivable that the nationality of Ireland, the oldest and purest in Europe, should not be recognised by the League of Nations." FIGHTING FOR FREEDOM OF SMALL NATIONS. At the outbreak of the war, our ears were wearisomely dinned with the loud and emphatic assertions of the most representative speakers and exponents of public opinion in England, that we were fighting for the freedom and independence of the small nations, for the right of the small nations to self-determination. Where is the fruit of those words now? .Were they then but sheer mockery and hypocrisy? We were told, again and again, that the object of the war was the utter destruction of Prussianism, and lo! to-day the small nation at England's door, the nation whose nationality is unequalled in Europe for endurance and dignity, is the goaded victim of the most barefaced and outrageous Prussianism; as the world at large now knows, as the world was unmistakably told, throughout the United States, by the commission composed of unexceptional and distinguished citizens and. officials of the great American Republic. Their report, their irrepressible report, is a standing and crushing condemnation of the present policy and action of England's misgovernment of Ireland, and, for any man of common sense and honesty, it dispenses with any further argument. Further arguments, however, abound. Take, for instance, the late action of the United States Senate, which, by a majority of 60 to one, passed a resolution claiming a hearing at the Peace Conference for the representatives of the people of Ireland. Remark that this is by far a larger majority than that which declared war on Germany, and that party lines in the Senate were completely obliterated. The majority is also vastly larger than that on the resolution to arm the American merchant marine prior to America's entry into the war. A prominent American says: "This is easily the most important and significant action taken by America in opposition to England since, our forefathers declared against the rule -of George III.'" . Listen to the comment of the Manchester Guardian "Wo have all been unpleasantly reminded of this fact that unsettled questions have no respect for the _ peace of nations' minds —by the almost unanimous adoption in. the American Senate of a resolution unmistakably sym- . pathetic with Sinn Fein. The portent is that a House of Parliament, in a nation which is our nearest approach to a close friend in the world, should publicly express this implied condemnation of our undemocratic practices within our own borders. So the Irish sore goes on poisoning the Anglo-American friendship on which the whole world, and especially the English-speaking parts, largely depend for their happiness' and perhaps for their safety, in the troublous times that are opened out by the failure of the peacemakers to do their work as well as the soldiers did theirs." "" Listen, again, to the declaration of the Daily Herald (the Labor organ in England): "It will not do for the English people to assume that the Senate vote does not matter. The fact that it was passed by 60 votes to one is sufficiently astonishing; but we have in addition to note that the House of Representatives passed a similar resolution last year, that Congress has now a Republican majority, and that party lines were obliterated in the Senate vote." IRELAND THE SUBJECT OF THE WORLD'S POLITICS.

The English Tory press is dumfounded at the vote: How different from what they expected, considering the vast sums spent on anti-Irish propaganda in the States, and the rank and prestige of the men sent over to combat the growth of Irish feeling there. A few of the baser sort of journals speak of the "impertinence" of the Senate, forgetting that England as a Great Power owes .its continued existence to American money and men. No nation can long continue to ignore the pressure of a powerful creditor. America now. dominates .the world, and the questions of maritime supremacy and world-trade are filling 'thoughtful British minds with disquiet. Ireland for the 'first time in her history has become the subject of tfte world's politics. ~ ; ' '~ -~"" ■' """ ~^'^-~i^^:t^^^-^^is^^s^'r m '

: " , So let ho one despair : there are better times coming. Demonstrations like this great Irish Race Convention, are eminently calculated to defeat the conspiracy of silence and lying, and ; bring about the reign of justice "which exalteth a nation." Ireland is a nation, whose nationality has proved itself indestructible -by any weapons that the wit of man can devise, a nation in every sense of the wordgeographically, politically, socially, morally, and historically, and, as such, she has an inalienable right to self-determination and complete self-government. MR. FRANK BRENNAN, M.H.R., SECONDS THE RESOLUTION. Mr. Brennan, who was greeted with cheers, said I have received one of the most impressive requests in connection with my address, and that is that I should kedp religiously within the ten minutes allowed. I think you will all agree at all events in regard to the eminent speakers who have preceded me, that you would not wish to have lost a single word or sentence from what they had to tell "us. ■ (Applause.) And therefore one of the wonders is, since they have all said so well, that there should be any need to draw from the ruck of politics and private life anything by way of endorsement of what has gone before. But perhaps it is not unfitting that we should endeavor in this vast representative gathering to make it abundantly clear that the cause for - which we stand to-day is not a cause alone for eminent churchmen or for eminent statesmen, but that it is one that commands the sympathy and enlists the support of the rank and file of all the members of every justice-loving community. (Applause.) The first part of this resolution deals with the age-long claim of Ireland for self-govern-ment, and that part of the resolution is such that it should need no special words of commendation to any justice-lov-ing community, and especially to those who in recent years have received so many pointed lessons from unexpected quarters in the ground work of democracy. (Applause.) The second part of the resolution deals with the international claims of the Irish, and in this regard Ireland presents herself at the door through her representatives of all the free nations of the world —she says to them: "We claim from you your recognition of us as a nation. We claim it for a thousand reasons, but we claim it because through our representatives and through our race we have illuminated your patriotism the world over; we have strengthened and brightened your statesmanship, and we have sweetened your life with the ardor of our religious fervor. (Cheers.) And because we have done these things for you, we ask from-you not anything done because of the feelings of your generosity, but the bare right of your recognition of Ireland a nation." (Applause.) We ask it because, too, by every standard to which a nation is entitled to be judged we have a substantial claim to nationhood. Our history, our letters, our art, our music; the position which we hold by comparison with any other people of the worldwe are no mushroom people, coming here within the last few years seeking for selfdetermination, but a people who taught the world what self-determination meant long before that American phrase was introduced into the language. (Cheers.) The last part of the resolution deals with our support of the eminent man, the representative of Irish thought at present in Ireland —de Valera. (Applause.) But though wo applaud his name, and rightly for his personal service, the resolution is less a personal one than one of principle resting upon the fact that we applaud him, not so much on personal grounds- as because he is the chosen spokesman of the Irish people. (Cheers.) Ireland does not seek to interfere in Australia, in regard to the self-government of Australia. We need not seek to interfere in Ireland in regard to the self-government of Ireland, although we are bound to her by a thousand imperishable ties of kinship we are, however, it may be unhappily, not citizens of Ireland, and our message to Ireland is: "Remembering your history and your tears, wo in these • Southern seas send you our message of support telling you from the bottom of our grateful hearts whatever your ascertained policy is, that policy will receive the endorsement and support of Irish Australians wherever they arc." (Loud cheering.) I am greatly honored to stand in the presence of visitors from other States of the Commonwealth Avhom all of you wish to hear. I will not. stand between you and them, but ' will' rather commend this resolution to your unanimous adoption, feeling, certain that if we follow the lead, the principles laid down, we may rest ■' secure in the fact that we are only supporting, and rightly supporting, the ascertained opinions of our kinsmen across the seas, and if anyone will tell you that they are not fit to be trusted to establish a policy for their own country I refer them' to the .history of the world, to the countries of other parts ; of the world, where you will find

not only that they have proved their fitness to T lay down a policy of government for their own country, but they have permeated by their wisdom and their statesmanship the ■ religious i policies of every country in : the world. ' (Loud cheers.) ' "": / ' ■P'': n :} r L h< '"■"■■■■-•■ •'-• ;*-: "<"-:-->"/ I ''* l

Mil. L. T. MURPHY (S.A.) SUPPORTS RESOLUTION.

Thy people now exiled on many- a shore wUh'i Shall love and revere thee till time be no more.

These words, said Mr. Murphy, apply with equal truth and significance to the land of Erin as to her illustrious Patron Saint. This Convention is the product of Irish love for Ireland. We are ; assembled here for the chief purpose of supporting self-determination for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) That was the policy which actuated 350,000 of Australia's citizens to enter the recent world's conflict. (Hear, hear.) . ../,"".'.,

It was to free European nations from despotic rule, and they enlisted freely and voluntarily and simultaneously to keep Australia free and self-determined. Australiafought for a noble and virtuous cause, and having fought for principle she cannot deny to another that which she desired for herself. We therefore, Australians of Irish birth, will stand loyal to :" the sacrifices of our fellows and see, if it is in our power to do it,-that Ireland is granted the same privilege for which Australians fought and died. Added to that keen sense of freedom which we as Australians regard as our unchallengeable possession, we can be satisfied that our Australian, justice, vwhich is not a misnomer, will direct us in ' the path of duty. But added to that . there is that ; wonderful attachment to Ireland implanted' in our; ; hearts by our parents who, with tears in their eyes, repeated : to : .us with traditional zeal and fervor the history of their country's griefs and sorrows. V- - .- -■

I am asked to be brief, but I appeal to you as Australian citizens to carry the flag of Irish nationality. (Applause.) Let it be anywhere, on a public : platform;; or in a public meeting place— not ashamed— it was good enough for Irishmen of renown to sacrifice their blood and to give up all that they did for Ireland, surely it is good enough for us; people of Irish descent to do something in the same cause.' (Applause.) -» /." s;^ The chairman put the resolution, which was carried amidst repeated cheers and hurrahs, the vast audience rising simultaneously to its feet. •"•,;--'"-...• SECOND RESOLUTION. " Most Rev. Dr. Kelly, Archbishop of Sydney, in moving the second resolution, said: "I am to be the medium of securing the sanction of this Convention to the establishment of a fund which will meet the requirements of

the cause of Ireland's nationality. '.* There will be somet 'practical' suggestionl that "Ave "= make this collection universal I—| central fund, -- that Ave • make it State by State,' and, •if- • you [ will, parish by parish. • (Hear, hear, and applause.) J

There is also the department , of trustees for the central fund. "At my right hand we have a Daniel. (Laughter.) He will be treasurer. We will associate with him the great grandfather of f Irish nationality and Irish Dominion > in Australia, the Hon. John' Meagher. ■ We 'complete the trinity with the name of Count O'Loghlin. For the success of Ireland's -cause in a national aspect two things are necessary, and' ; those two things will be sufficient for triumph. We must be united— hear) —and let Ireland and Irish opinion be the centre of unity. Then we want the. means, we want the funds. There will be no difficulty about the funds, and I would be much open to censure if I were to speak to you about practical unity of action. Keep your own honest views in private, but in public act together or stay at home. (Hear, hear.) Now, money will be required. The presence of his Grace of Wellington shows us that Ireland is already morally in the Australasian sphere. The right of Irish nationality is justified before the world, but it has not yet been an acknowledged right, so we have not now in Ireland, in Dublin, an independent Irish Parliament. We have the Castle, and the Castle is connected with Downing Street, and, as Cardinal Logue said, "Let there be a tap on the Orange drum in Belfast, and the word, of -order passes to Downing Street and to the Castle, and you are compelled in the name of law and order. Thus you have the oppression of the Irish people." It will require an exorcism to drive these influences from the shores from which St. Patrick drove the snakes. (Laughter.) It must be applied to the Castle, it must be applied to some English politicians. And therefore funds are necessary. It is really incredible that a nation like England, holding a high head amongst the nations and claiming to fly a flag that is a meteor which radiates liberty amongst all- people, has for 700 years, according to historic record, acted as an oppressor, as a treacherous tyrant, and as an incorrigible enemy to self-determination to the children of St. Patrick. (Hear, hear.) They say "Yes, Home Rule for Ireland, but we must not forget the planted party of ascendancy in certain parts of Ulster, we must not forget the officials and '■- their dependants, including the spies and the police of Dublin Castle." Yes, and they were heard in the League of Nations. Shame on those Big Four. (Hear, hear.) Shame on the man who won the admiration of the world by his phrase that the basis of legal authority has to be by the consent of those for whom the authority is exercised. Certain it is that through the English language and the Irish faith we planted the Kingdom of Christ and the standard of the Cross all through the world. We have won the battle of religious liberty, we have won it for England and for all the British Empire. God grant to the prayers of St. Patrick that our enemies may be permanently afraid, and that Ireland will possibly enter a historic and glorious nation amongst the League of Nations which some time ago was on the horizon, but is now obscured by mists that have arisen. God grant it. Funds will be necessary; even if they were not necessary, our generosity as children of Ireland or children of Ireland's children would make us very glad to open our very heart's blood for Ireland. (Loud applause.) We are not called to die for Ireland. We would die for her if it came to us as a duty(applause)—and die gloriously. Men have died and men will" die if' necessary again to show that the Irish question is a real question. We are called

on to live.for Ireland, to act together for Ireland, and fas a pledge of; our earnestness -: and = our devotion to . constitute a sinking : fund in the names of the Archbishop of Melbourne, the Hon. John. Meagher, and Count O'Loghlinxas; treasurers, to be subscribed by all the Australian people, State by State, district by ■'-,,district, each getting credit for its contribution. Thus we will have fulfilled our whole duty, and we will say /to the Americans, "We admire, we thank you, but we will not only imitate, we will better your ,vexample." (Cheers.) ' '%. "- "' mr. f. McDonnell, m.1.a., Queensland.ii? Mr. F. McDonnell/ M.L.A., of Queensland, in seconding the resolution, said: -We desire here to offer our gratitude and ; our appreciation to the great generalissimo of the Irish race, his Grace the Archbishop, of Melbourne. (Cheers.) The time was ripe for an opportunity for the Irish people of Australasia to express an opinion on the great Irish question: of the day, and to his credit be it said that that - opportunity has been taken. By resolution that was carried this morning, a clarion note has been sounded which will go from Australia, and I feel confident that the resolution that has been affirmed here this morning will be ratified in every city and in every town of this great continent. (Applause.) You have this morning affirmed the rights of Ireland to self-determination. You have this morning adopted a policy for Ireland which I have no doubt will be faithfully adhered to by the great majority of the true lovers of our native land. But after affirming that principle we must now turn to the practical duty of carrying that principle into effect. Archbishop Kelly has pointed out that it will be necessary to have funds in every State. Australia and the Irish people of Australia have never been behind when called upon for Ireland, and this particularly so in the latest case, when after that memorable Easter Week, when men died knowing that it was almost impossible to achieve what they desired but by shedding their life blood. (Cheers.) •< Many of our professed friends and our opponents were hopeful that dissension would take place at this great gathering this morning. They wished for it, and they hoped for it. But we are proud to be able to go back to Queensland and say that the great resolution declaring the right for Ireland's freedom was accepted in this great city of Melbourne, before such a magnificent gathering as we have here to-day, without one dissentient voice. (Loud applause.) The Irish movement that we were satisfied with in the past is not in keeping with these times. Great changes have taken place— empires have practically smouldered-kings and emperors have been swept —and with all the great phrases that we have heard about the rights of small nations, we find that our old land, that we are proud of, has been treated in a more brutal fashion than any other country in Europe even during the war. (Applause.) We are only asked at this period to do our sharesome of us here to-day are Irishmen, but the majority are Irish-Australians —(hear, hear)who have been born in this land of freedom where the word "freedom" is breathed. Let us do our share to help Ireland secure those rights of freedom and justice that she for centuries and centuries has been struggling to obtain. (Loud applause.)

Mr. James Dowling (West Australia), in supporting the resolution, said: — think if there is anyone who is

proud to-day f it is his Grace the Archbishop of Melbourne. (Loud applause.) Your Grace, your clarion call came over the. ocean to the West, and,.' we are ; here to stand' by you until death. . (Applause!) Your '' Grace, "where" are those who have maligned you for the last few years,' and where are those of your own 'household who have maligned you? '/■'■-■' The resolution was carried with ringing cheers. ;./";/ .*.'"'-'lt THE THIRD RESOLUTION. ..',„. '-: ?' -Mr. James Scullin (Victoria), in moving the third resolution, said —The resolution that I .'have been asked to move, is that the previous resolutions that we; have carried should be conveyed to " Mr. ;de Valera.' (Applause.) I am sensible of the fact that previous messages from Irish gatherings in Australia under our beautiful democratic Government have been stopped, but the management of this meeting intend that they will, get this message to him, and we will leave it to them. These resolutions will hearten up the leaders of the Irish nation to keep alive the spirit that has been roused in the Irish people when the soul of Ireland was saved by the blood of her martyrs in Easter Week. (Applause.) We have been told that we should not interfere in affairs abroad. Why, ladies and gentlemen, we have heard about.the great war of 30,000,000 men being fought to make the world safe for democracy, and I want to say if there is a man who talks democracy to-day and who believes in the rights of small nations for self-determination, but who denies Ireland the right of determination, that man is a blatant hypocrite, whoever he is. (Applause.) I apply it not to Irishmen alone, but to every man of every nationality, of every country, who claims to be a democrat. The Allies signed the Armistice on the principle of self-determination. The clash of millions of men ceased on that principle of selfdetermination, but it is a question of interpretation when you are going to apply it. I have heard it said that the figures of statisticians are like sausages, it depends on who makes them. (Laughter.) And all principles like this depend on who is going to interpret them or apply them. I regret to say that the interpretation of one of the greatest - of the Alliesyes, interpretation that Britain has put on this, and the interpretation that the Big Four put on when applying to Ireland, was not self-determination, but selfish determination. That is the message we are sending abroad to de Valera, who is loading the people and leading one of the oldest civilised nations in the world. He is branded by those who misgovern the country as a felon to-day. But we are sending him messages of encouragement just the same. (Applause.) We are sending it to him with greater enthusiasm because he has been condemned. I will conclude by expressing the hope that we are beginning a new era, and that a new spirit is abroad, and that the men who set up the principle of self-deter-mination many years ago are coming into their own, and we will see that right will be accomplished, and that the sorrow and suffering that Ireland has gone through have come to an end, and that the door of freedom has been opened, and that we in Australia who enjoy democracy and that every, true democrat of the nationalities send our message across the leagues of ocean tq toll de Valera and the people who support him that we stand behind them in that great cause of freedom that we are fighting to-day.

"For Freedom's battle, once begun, Bequeathed by bleeding sire to son, Though baffled oft, Is ever won." MR. M. MEAGHER (NEW SOUTH WALES). Mr. Michael Meagher (New South Wales), in seconding the resolution, said: —It gives mo very great pleasure to second the motion moved by Mr. Scnllin, that the resolutions which were carried by this great meeting to-day be sent to the great Irish leader, de Valera. But one would think that it is hardly necessary to carry such a resolution at all, because it follows that such resolutions should be sent to the leader of the Irish people, just as in_ 'B6 or 'BB, when resolutions of this kind may have been carried, they would have been sent to Parnell because at that time Parnell was the leader of the Irish people. Later the same message would have been sent to John Redmond why? Because Redmond was the "recognised leader of the Irish people.* One might mention in passing that if the fact that both of these, men were in gaolas they were at . different times — account of their leadership, none the less we would have sent the message to them just the same. So to-day, if de Valera is the recognised leader of the Irish people, and we, the sons of Irishmen or grandsons of-Irishmen, as the case may be, are proud to know that Ireland was never more united than she is to-day in following their great leader,.- do Valera.-, (Applause.) .]

MR. C. O'CONNOR (TASMANIA). rP,oiS;3 °' Con ™ T (Tasmania), who supported the «aid:-In order to complete the Commonwealth EofZ 1 ° S T P « + rt + ° f f is S athe "»g ? I>>s reprlsenltM%9t I th6 u Sland State desire to, support the resoludot. t T a s ; b w mVe i SO ably b y :Mr:ySculliii^an^ln doing so I wish to say that as a Tasmanian I feel'considerable pleasure in being associated with this magnificat gathering this morning, because 'the State I have blen St to represent was rendered sacred by the tread of Ireland's exiles, such as John Mitchel and Smith (Applause.) The question of :self-determination for Ireland is an international problem. ; We here, enjoying the full timts of self-government, and living 16,000 miles away from Ireland,-,get the true perspective of Ireland'sfiffi determination, and we can render a service to the Empire by using our weight and : influence in endeavoring' to" lieal the running sore that exists in the centre of .the Empire. To-day Ireland ,s standing for the same old principlethe principle of.se f-determination. Ireland has never been willingly joined to Great Britain, and no State this commonwealth is in the Union against its will Across the history of British; colonisation, so far as Ireland-is concerned, must be written the words, "Dismal failure'" Ladies and gentlemen, I desire to support the resolution which, will be transmitted to de Valera, who is the leader of the Irish people, and I hope it will give him new heart to push onto the end with his ideals—lreland for the Irish (Applause.) The resolution was carried unanimously. The Convention concluded with the singing, of "God Save .Ireland," and three cheers for the chairman (Mr Ryan), Archbishop Mannix, and Ireland.