THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN 1918

New Zealand Tablet, 8 May 1919, Page 9

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN 1918

(By Very Rev. James Canon MacCaffrey, S.T.L., D.Ph., in the Irish Ecclesiastical Record..)\ m i >n Q At last the terrible struggle that has devastated Europe for years, and. that at one time threatened to end only with the mutual destruction of the belligerents, has been brought to a close almost as unexpectedly as it began. After a prolonged contest, during which their victorious forces over-ran a great portion of Europe, the Central Powers have been forced to hoist the white flag and to surrender almost at; discretion. Last April, it looked as if victory' were within their grasp. Russia and Rumania had been counted out; the huge forces on the Eastern'frontier were being diverted towards the West the Allied armies in France were falling back before the new offensive, and it seemed as if Paris and the whole French coast-line, from Havre to Dunkirk, were to pass into the hands of the German*. :: ■■■_■ ;•:.•. .... But;; as ' subsequent events proved, the terrific on-, slaught of last March was but a last : desperate bid for victory that had been so often denied them.. The German High Command, realising the exhaustion of , their raw materials, the depletion of their man-power, r and 'the imminent danger of famine and revolution, resolved -to stake the fortunes of the Empire on one gigantic effort to -secure a decision before the army of America could be ready to take the field. It was their final and only hope, in view of the fact that the submarine campaign could not render 'the American intervention ineffectual ; and once that hope failed nothing remained for them but retreat and surrender. Torn by convulsions at home and deserted by her allies in the field, Germany was obliged .to accept the humiliating terms :.#iiwil -*ii i m "... -wttilta .

dictated by the victorious generalissimo of the 'Allied--and American forces. . . But the overthrow of the | Kaiser, does not necessarily mean the "restoration of peace to the world. In their anxiety to encourage their friends and embarrass their enemies the statesmen of both belligerent parties have pledged themselves to principles and programmes which, whether realised or disowned by their authors, are likely to mark a new era in the history of- mankind. The world, outlook of 1919 is not that of 1914 : the old order is gone for good, whatever may take its place. To - preach for years the overthrow of autocracy, the uplifting of democracy, the right of peoples whether weak or strong to determine their own form of government, the banding together of nations into one great league to enforce disarmament, compulsory arbitration and international peace, and when the opportune moment comes to do nothing to put these highsounding principles into operation is to court swift and terrible disaster. If the diplomatists of Versailles, closing their eyes to the past and their ears to the present, determine to follow the methods of the Congress of Vienna rather than the peace proposals of President Wilson, then, indeed, may men pray for peace. V The President of the United States, more than any other single individual, is responsible- for the overthrow of the Germans. By his skill and diplomacy he kept his country clear of the war until the protection of American interests demanded intervention; and when, at last he felt it necessary to call his compatriots to arms, they responded with an eagerness and unanimity that; astonished both friend and foe. By his soul-stirring messages to mankind he converted what seemed to many a sordid contest for economic predominance or territorial expansion into an unselfish crusade for liberty, peace, and justice. As he played the leading part in bringing the war to an end, so too, it is hoped, he will exercise a powerful influence in shaping the terms of peace. He has pledged his own honor and the honor of his country to certain welldefined proposals. If he can succeed in winning over the diplomatists of Versailles to his views, though the practical difficulties in carrying out his plans are wellnigh insuperable, his name will be held in benediction by the Old World as well as by the New ; if he fail at the Congress, then it only remains for him to do what he did in his dealings with German autocracy, to appeal from the governments to the governed. If he has the courage to adopt this course, he need have no fears about, the verdict of the people. ,; ''•'i Now, that the great war.has come to an end, one may well inquire how the victories of the Allies and the downfall of Austria and Germany are :- likely to influence the Church? During the vicissitudes.. of the contest some people seemed convinced that the triumph of Germany would spell another Kultiirkaitvpf against the Church, more violent and more widespread than that initiated, by Bismarck and Falk; while others were equally confident, from their knowledge of the Governments of Prance and Italy, that the success of the Allies " would be hailed as a victory by the friends of Atheism and Freemasonry. Both parties were probably equally sincere, but both were influenced by their prejudices rather than by facts. Religious considera- -; tions played an insignificant - part in : the councils of the men responsible for the war, and however zealous may have , been .their professions of sympathy during ; the struggle, the Church had good reason to be equally cautious in her.Jdealings with the leading belligerents. I While there is but little ground for hope that the 'war I would lead to a great religious revival in Italy and | France in--, face of which the Governments of these 1 countries would be forced to modify .'i their attitude of Phostility to the,Church, there is still less ground, for 1 believing that the downfall of the Austrian Empire 1 involves the extinction of Catholicity in the territories of " the Habsburgs. If, indeed, the "power of Austria . -had been -broken before defeat and revolution. had .. destroyed the autocratic sway of the Czar, then the situation, from the point of view of the Church, would have been undoubtedly serious. : -.With Austria weak and

Russia victorious and united, the-way- would have been open for the enforcement of Orthodoxy throughout Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. r soft / But, as matters stand at present, there is no, need for alarm about $ the future of religion, even though the principle of self-determination | should be applied to the former provinces of the Empire. In Austria proper;t where the population] generally speaking is German in range and language, no peculiar" difficulty will arise; in the Tyrol, .whatever may be its ultimate political fate, , there is no danger that autonomy or union ' with Italy will damp the religious fervor of its generous people in Croatia and Slavonia, where the Jugo-Slavs constitute the predominant element, the union of bishops, clergy, and people in their,prolonged struggle for freedom affords sufficient warranty for the belief that the new political situation that has arisen carries with it no danger for religion. So long as the Jugo-Slav movement is led, as it is at present, by men like Monsignor Jeglic, Prince-Bishop of Laibach, Monsignor Bauer, Bishop of Zagreb, and Monsignor Mahonic, Bishop of Veglia, there need be no fear that by ceasing to be Austrian subjects the Jugo-Slavs will cease to be Catholic. And with one slight reservation the same might be said about the Czecho-Slovaks of Bohemia, whose clergy for the most part stand in the very fore-front of the nationalist movement. In proof of this assertion it is sufficient to quote from the solemn declaration issued to the press by a meeting of the clergy of Prague: - J ■ ''We, Czech ecclesiastics," they declared, "conscious of springing from the people, and being indissolubly attached to them by the bonds of blood, language, and traditions, are determined to stand side by side with them in the struggle till victory crowns our efforts. We claim to belong to Saints Cyril and;Methodius, the apostles of the Slavs ; and we declare that the solemn words of our writers and deputies, as well as the nationalist oath, express exactly what we feel and believe. We declare that the establishment of an rindependent Czecho-Slovak State is an act cf justice pleasing to God. And, believing that perfect harmony is indispensable for the achievement of our aims, we declare that the Czech Union is alone competent to act in the name of the nation, and we reject in advance any private or party negotiations concerning l the future of our country." :i 3 "We will stand or fall with our people" were the striking words used by the clergy of Krems in announcing their adhesion to the cause of Czecho-Slovak independence. The one difficulty that will arise will be the presence of a large German-speaking Catholic minority, and also the fact that a large number of the bishops are of German origin. But these are matters, we may hope, that will adjust themselves in time, once the irritating and dividing influence of foreign intervention is removed. In Galicia, where the most of the inhabitants" are Catholic, no complication need be expected if, as may -be assumed, the province, is incorporated into the new kingdom .of Poland. The absorption of Catholic Transylvania by non-Catholic Rumania might possibly lead to a campaign against .Rome, but in view of Rumania's insecurity of tenure and of the wisdom of conciliating the newly-won population, it is not likely that any Government would commit such an act of : folly. - : -" ; >tflE "T : v:>;v | One serious danger in connection with the reconstitution of South-Eastern Europe,; might spring from the \,establishment of ,a } Greater •.. Serbian Kingdom, though the "religious fanaticism of some of the former promoters of such an establishment may have been considerably modified by the events of the last five yearns. ,✓:. . Whatever may be said v of Austria, there can be /little doubt that',!apart from the spread of Bolshevism and disorder, the dissolution ; of the Russian Empire could hardlyfail' to profit the ; Catholic Church. In the first place, it ensures the independence of the one nation that can compare with our own in its prolonged - struggle for religion and liberty—Catholic Poland. A new, united, strong kingdom of Poland, whether it be -■■■• a monarchy'.or a republic,, if true to the traditions which have characterised its .peonle for centuries, cannot fail

to exercise a powerful influence on the progress of'Catholicism in „ Eastern Europe. In the Old days Poland was the bulwark of Europe and of the Church. May we not hope that the new. kingdom will play an equally glorious part against the more 3 insidious enemies that ; in our times threaten to overthrow society and religion ? Still, it is well to remember that in '-Poland, as elsewhere, there have been great changes during the past one hundred years. The Socialist party is by-no means a negligible factor, from. the point of view of numbers or of public activity, and it may be that in _ the new. kingdom there will be a prolonged period of strife before victory is assured. For the' 'rest, the collapse of the Holy Synod and the restoration of religious freedom cannot fail to promote the submission to Rome of many among the Ruthenians, Lithuanians, and the other races inhabiting the western provinces of Russia who were held in bondage to the Orthodox -'Church by tyranny and oppression. The conclusion of an armistice, even though its terms involved the disruption of the Austro-German forces, does not necessarily imply that Europe is assured of peace. f Even though "the Congress of Versailles should succeed in adjusting the conflicting territorial demands that will be brought before it, there is no guarantee that it will be able to apply effective remedies against the spread of anarchy and disorder which threaten to overthrow society and civilisation. It is not by bayonet or machine-gun that these can be defeated; it is only by the removal of the causes that have brought about the upheaval. In the work of stemming, the advance of Bolshevism, principles must play a more prominent part than force, and conscience rather than fear must be relied upon to secure restraint and moderation. In this field of operations Church and State should unite their forces in the adjustment of economic conditions and in the removal of the glaring usurpations that threaten to drive the masses of the people into the arms of Bolshevist agitators. Bolshevism began in Russia, where the soil was ready for the seed, but where it may end, or how it may develop, unless some drastic remedy be found, it is difficult to foresee. Various causes have contributed to bring about the present social unrest. Among these may be reckoned the sufferings and anxiety inflicted by the war on the masses, who were allowed no voice in declaring it, the high prices and scarcity of provisions, bordering in some countries on famine, the temporary nationalization of railways, shipping, factories, mines and raw material, the interference of the State in so many matters that were formerly regarded as the domain of the individual, the continual attempts to secure internal peace by the alternate policy of doles and repression, and, added to all these, the protracted tension caused by the war and by the glowing programmes launched on the world by the belligerent statesmen. The social anarchy that threatens to engulf Europe to-day is as dangerous for religion as it is for the State, and it will be necessary for the Church to face the situation with a well-defined and courageous programme if the danger is to be averted. It will be necessary for the clergy to re-study this question, and possibly, in some particulars to modify their views; to arrive at a clear understanding about the rights of the individual as against the rights of the community, about the meaning and limitation and indestructibility of private ownership, and about the true attitude of the Church towards the various programmes of .reform, most of which are so often indiscriminately and ''- incorrectly labelled Socialism by their supporters and their opponents. /- %jQ,' S) V\ }, ■■ U -""■ / ' "„■ ; 1 The position of the Pope, at all times a difficult one, was exceptionally delicate and responsible '. during the war. Unmindful of : the charges of partiality or cowardice levelled at him by newspapers and politicians, Benedict XV. pursued his, mission; of mercy and peace; Wherever it was possible for.him, , he intervened to relieve suffering or to prevent injustice, and at all times he bore himself amongst the warring factions as be-

came one who was the representative oil earth'of the Prince of Peace. ; Catholics throughout- the world, whether they sympathise; with Germany or Prance, are§ at one in their attitude of loyalty to the Pope. They I demand that one who has done so much for the pro-1 motion of peace, and who by his very position can do § so much for s - the 'preservation of the new European 1 regime, should be admitted to the Congress that is to § settle the/ future,of so many of his subjects. They are f at one, too, in >; desiring T that the ; grave,.: injustice in- | flicted on Papacy and the Church by the spoliation f of 18.70 should be "remedied, in spite of secret treaties or Italian hostility. 'They do not ask for the restora- I tion of the Roman States; they commit themselves to no particular scheme of redress ;, they require only that I the Pope should be consulted, and that some settlement I should be arrived at in keeping with" his dignity and I with the dignity of the world-wide organisation of \ which he is the supreme .ruler..,. f B ?..»*» .. f Possibly never since the ' religious convulsions of \ the sixteenth century :K was ~_ the international e position J of the Pope more clearly recognised on all sides than it was since the outbreak of the war. Governments that had long refused to accredit representatives to the Roman Court displayed extraordinary eagerness to secure representation, and nations that .-., had but recently broken off diplomatic relations^withlMelVatican showed considerable anxiety to make amends -through unofficial channels. One and all, whether Allies, Germans, Austrians, Turks, or Bulgars, they recognised that the Pope is still a mighty sovereign, and that the views of Rome, even on non-religious matters, are not without their influence in the world. In this connection it is interesting to note that, after a diplomatic rupture lasting eight years, Portugal has once again established friendly relations with -the Holy See. Last December a counter-revolution was begun, and after a brief struggle the moderate party found themselves in control. Senhor Sidonio Paes was elected President of the Republic by an overwhelming majority of votes. At once he announced ..that he and/his Government stood for a policy of justice and' pacification, and for personal, social, and religious freedom. In pursuance of this policy he proclaimed full religious freedom, .restored the. churches and the seminaries, invited , the bishops and exiled Orders to return, and opened up negotiations with the Nuncio at Madrid, for a complete reconciliation with Rome. After a/short discussion the outstanding difficulties were adjusted, and Monsignor Locatelli was despatched as Nuncio to Lisbon, while Senhor Feliciaro de Costa was received by the Pope as the Minister of Portugal. It is interesting, too, to recall that during the past year the new Republic of China, anxious to make friends' and to keep in touch with modern developments in Europe, requested the Pope to agree to an exchange of representatives. The Pope was most anxious to accept this proposal, but unfortunately the Government of France interfered, to prevent.its realisation. Once before, in 1886, taking its stand on the rights guaranteed to it by the .Treaty of (1858), France blocked the way against the appointment' t: of a ' Papal representative at Pekin, and now, a second time, it succeeded in bringing to naught the renewed negotiations. By this Treaty France was guaranteed the protectorate of the Christian missionaries in China, and though this privileged position has been shorn of much, of its importance in recent years by the claims of other nations to -safeguard directly- the interests and lives of their own subjects, still sufficient is left to give the French representative at Pekin a unique advantage. It was feared : that by the appointment of a Nuncio the . protectorate would be completely jjf destroyed, nor were the official declarations and explanations of the Holy See considered' sufficient to allay this apprehension. ■■■ Pressure was brought on the Chinese Government to object to : the proposed'^app^intine"nt--of Mon:signorf Petrelli, on the ground that he was pro-Aus-trian, - and.. after some ,further exchanges, the negotiations were j. suspended a more favorable opportunity "should arise. • 1 5j (To be concluded next weekiV ; \ ./■ ~,- •' ,*■..,/ «..-, -v.- ■•«-■> -vr :«- yr-ysxr- -.■■• ■- ■ ;_ V '■\'Mj^SS /t '"i- \7«-A''--- . - ■