OUR WOULD-BE ENGLISH TEACHER WELL ANSWERED

New Zealand Tablet, 25 April 1918, Page 34

OUR WOULD-BE ENGLISH TEACHER WELL ANSWERED

The Gaelic A inert can , in giving this splendid rebuttal by Dr. Patrick McCartan, of Sir F. E. Smith’s arrogant attack on Ireland, says; Dr. Patrick McCartan has been selected by the Sinn Feiners as their candidate for South Armagh, where a vacancy has been created by the death of Dr. O’Neill, the Redmondite who has represented that constituency in the British Parliament for many years. South Armagh is overwhelmingly Nationalist and a large number of natives of the constituency who live in New York feel confident that Dr. McCartan will win by a good majority on the platform of refusal to attend the British Parliament. Dr. McCartan has been recently appointed a member of the medical staff of the Misericordiae Hospital in East Eighty-six Street, New York. As he has a thorough knowledge of Ulster,,his native province, his reply to the brutal attack on the Irish people by Sir Frederick Smith, the English Attorney-General, which will be found below, is of particular interest.

(By Dr. Patrick McCartan.)

The arrogant assumption of superiority over all other peoples by the English is well illustrated by Sir F. E. Smith’s interview in the Huston Bast. As he is on a mission here to serve his Government one would imagine he would respect the opinions of the American people, but being typically English he cannot conceive rational beings who are not anxious to accept the .English viewpoint on all subjects. Irishmen should be glad to see such types as Balfour, Northcliffe, and Smith coining to this country. They do much to dispel the illusions regard Englishmen and English aims so carefully fostered by the pro-English press, and shrewd Irishmen such as Sir • Cecil Spring-Rice, who are in the service of England and whose Irishism prevents them from lord in cr over all and sundry as if God created the world especially for Englishmen. The British Government, in August, 1916, hanged a great humanitarian — one whose zeal for humanity attracted the attention of the world, and brought prestige to that Government itself. One would think that they should desire he world to forget the act, but Sir F. E. Smith says: “Nothing ever gave me greater delight than the execution of ‘Casement.” Evidently he-assumes that this delight will commend him to the .American people, or, knowing that the American people

condemned the execution ,of . Casement, he wishes to piove to them that they were and are mistaken, since he, the Attorney-General of England, says so. V : r Smith Chastises ■ President Wilson. The latter seems to be the view he ‘ holds as he unmistakably chastises President Wilson for his efforts on behalf of Casement. “You will remember,” he says, that a tremendous effort was made to save Casement and for a time the Government was - wobbling.” Yes, we do remember that Wilson used his “tremendous influence” to save the life of a great man, and we notice that Sir F. E. Smith, on American soil, boasts that he was able to counteract the “tremendous influence” of the President of the United States. To victor Smith we Irish Nationalists cry; Hail! We like your brutal candor, as we prefer your Cromwell tossing Irish babes on British bayonets to your canting Gladstones and Asquiths, who strangle our nation by economic laws to the tune of “God Save Ireland.” As your vaunting boastvirtually, “I beat you, Wilson, damn you”—will not be lost on the American people, your frankness will not leave us unmoved. Let us hope, however, you will enjoy your savage war dance over the body of Casement in its “sheet of flame ; but, on the quiet, you would have been better advised if you had continued to practice your steps until a general election in England, as they are not suited to the time of “Yankee Doodle.” Still you look brave the bravery so typical of Englishmen—and have evidently recovered from the effect of Casement’s withering scorn and contempt when he made you squirm in court by the following paragraph of his speech :

“The difference between us was that the Unionist champions chose the path that they felt would lead to the wool-sack, while I went the road that I knew must lead to the dock. And the event proved that we were both right.”

Rebels of Different Kinds.

Sir Roger Casement was executed for his part in attempting to resist the imposition of British law on Ireland —and “nothing ever gave greater delight” to Sir F. E. Smith, Attorney-General of England. But the same Sir F. E. Smith, Attorney-General of England, says; “Under the circumstances I was for civil war and I opposed with all my energies the attempt to force Ulster counties to accept Home Rule.” The difference between Sir Frederick and Sir Roger was that the former was prepared, by force of arms, to resist the imposition of a particular Act of the British Parliament on a part of Ireland, while the latter proved that he was prepared to resist by the same means the imposition of all Acts of the same Parliament on all Ireland. Judged legally it was treason in both cases, and the penalty in both cases is death. Smith lives ajid glories in his hypothetical treason. Casement paid the penalty gladly, happy in the knowledge of the fact so well expressed by Lowell, a great American and poet :

“Truth forever on the scaffold. Wrong forever on the throne, Yet that scaffold sways the future, And behind the dim unknown Standeth God within the shadow Keeping watch above His own.”

Sidelights on the Convention.

Sir F. E. Smith throws some interesting sidelights on the Lloyd George Convention, and the fact that they reflect the attitude of the British Government makes them the more worthy of notice. After boasting that he was for civil war rather than permit the Irish people to obtain self-government, he says: “I hope to see a settlement brought about through this Convention.” It is hard to reconcile this wish with his previous statements and those which follow regarding Ulster and Ulstermen. He, is, however, more explicit when he says: “It would be very inconvenient if any-

thing should happen just now to overturn the attempt to bring about a settlement. 'ln a few months, whatever happens, ‘it' won't amount to a damn." \ ’ :-V In other words, it would be unfortunate if the world would at present be enlightened regarding England’s hypocrisy. ... Better if the bluff can be sustained a little longer so that - votaries of; freedom may imagine that Sir F. E. Smith’s colleagues are sincere regarding Ireland. Evidently something important is expected to take place shortly for “in a few months it won’t amount to a damn” if the Convention breaks up without accomplishing anything. The influence of the Sinn Feiners is, however, rather embarrassing, and Smith would have them ostracised by all civilised peoples. r In 1913, Redmond and his colleagues were as bitterly denounced by Smith as the Sinn Feiners are to-day. He was influenced only by American dollars, they said, just as the Sinn Feiners are supposed to be Germanised. “Unprized are her sons till they learn to betray,” and Smith now says; “The Redmonds are fine people.” Provided for a Disagreement. That Lloyd George expected no results from the Convention and merely hoped by it to keep the Irish people hoping for something England would not grant is made clear by Sir F. E. Smith. “The best thing that can happen in Ireland is to prolong the life of the Convention. Let them keep on talking. Unfortunately for Smith and his colleagues the talking machine was badly damaged by Easter Week, and the voice no longer reaches any considerable portion of the people. Nothing of any consequence was expected by the Irish people from the Convention, and they will not be deceived by prolonging its life. Friends of Ireland in America may be deceived, but the reaction following that deception will be beneficial to Ireland. It is important, however, that a member of Lloyd George’s Government admits that the object of the Convention was to secure a safety valve by allowing the delegates to “keep on talking.” A talking and resoluting Ireland was “the one bright spot,” but the days of eloquent speeches —mere platitudes—and votes of confidence have passed. The result of the Convention is anticipated by Smith as follows: “If they don’t agree it’s the fault of the Irish, not the English, for there is not one Englishman in the Convention. It’s an Irish problem and not an English problem.” So there is to be no agreement and John Bull can piously wash his hands before the world. There will be no agreement because Lloyd George specifically stated that under no circumstances would Ulster be coerced—that is, Ulster was advised to stand firm and give John Bull his desired excuse. There are still some well-meaning Irishmen in this country who believe that the Convention was a sincere attempt to settle the question. A few more interviews by Smith would convince them it was what Carson described the Home Rule to be —a hypocritical sham.

The Real Situation in Ulster,

Sir F. E. Smith poses as an authority on Ulster and claims the the “Ulsterites” are a different race from the rest of Ireland. “Ulster, with its great industries,” he says, “cannot be expected to turn over the control of Ireland to dastardly Sinn Feiners who are refusing to fight.” He ignores the fact that Ulster also refuses to fight, and he knows it is a fact. I am an Ulster man and I know it, both Orange and Green. The Orange section—Smith’s pets —have abandoned the Twelfth of July demonstrations since the war, but the fact that thousands of so-called Loyalists remained in Ulster instead of going to France, would be too obvious. They are loyalvery loyal—so long as it costs nothing, but they are as much opposed to fighting for England as the “dastardly Sinn Feiners.” There are no two races in Ireland, as those who wish to can prove for themselves by attending a Twelfth of July celebration, either in Ireland or here, and a Hibernian celebration. In both they will find the same virtues and the same

vices; the same types of men and women mentally arid physically. . u .;:U. iM, V !.o ■■ =- 'ft£: “You can never reconcile Ulster with Sinn Feiners and you' never will,” says Smith. ■ If that were so it would be so much the better for Smith’s country; but he will find : his - mistake sooner perhaps' than he imagines. ;

Helped by Ulster Unionists.

I am a ‘dastardly Sinn Feiner” ,who has some personal experience of Ulster Unionists, which is different from that of Sir F. E. Smith. Though* known to them as a “dastardly Sinn Feiner,” I was elected to a medical position by their votes in 1913, in opposition to one of Redmond’s “fine people.” ’ Through them I procured arms and ammunition for the Irish 'Volunteers, even as late as the week prior to Easter, ,1916. When in hiding after the Rebellion dozens of them knew my whereabouts for nine months, and the information never reached England’s sleuth hounds; During that time I was offered shelter by several of them, as their houses were above suspicion. During the few weeks I was at liberty in 1917 they, called me in to attend their sick, as before, and I got as warm a welcome from them on my appearance in public again as from the Nationalists. I have been present at their baths and deaths, at their weddings and wakes, at their dances and card parties, and discussed Sinn Fein with them, so that I think I know them as well as on- F. E. Smith. , * n Practice they are often more Sinn Fein than the Nationalists and the economic part of the policy appeals strongly to them. England has been able by her Smiths to keep them separated from Nationalist Ireland m the past because Nationalist Ireland played the English game as consistently as the Orangemen. When Orangeism, for instance, was decaying as a result of the landlord element having no more use for it, Joe Devlins Board of Erin A.O.H. kept it sufficiently stimulated to keep it a force in the country. England will find no such tools among the Sinn Feiners, and this, too. Smith knows, hence to him they are “dastardly Sinn Feiners, thoroughly Germanised.” ' He denies that Carson expected help from Germany. That is probably true, but he led his followers to believe that the Protestant Emperor of Germany was behind their movement and leaflets to that effect were distributed among them in 1913. Clergymen preached of it from their pulpits and the Irish Churchman in its issue of the 13th of October, 1913, said they had the promise of aid from a great Continental Power and that the Protestants of Ulster would welcome the Continental deliverer.” Neither Carson nor Smith took the trouble to deny that they were pro-German until after the declaration of war.

The humblest task into which we put a high purpose contributes to this end. No day is commonplace m which we work for that which is noblest and best. All work should be for the highest ends. Making a living is merely incidental. We should work for better standards and purer ideals, for happier- homes and better living.