MY HOLIDAY IN IRELAND

New Zealand Tablet, 15 November 1917, Page 17

MY HOLIDAY IN IRELAND

(By Austin Harrison.)

The idea of a political holiday in Ireland tempting me, I readily accepted a friend's invitation, and together we sought Kilkenny. An Irish "pal" of mine had held out lurid prospects of fun and "sticks," a vista which the vacuum in Dublin's centre, duly visited by us as travelling West Britons, caused to enhance the expectations we had formed of "something brewing," nor atmospherically were we disappointed. In the train we heard of trouble. On the boat we. found rumors, expectancy. Long before we reached the historical home of the "cats," we had made up our minds to be witnesses of sensational events, perhaps of tragedy, and when a couple of young girls called out to us on leaving the station, "Up Cosgrave," we drove to the hotel full of Ministerial responsibility, as it were, and not a little of anxiety. It was a grand day when we started out to envisage the situation, but everything was remarkably quiet, and except for the flags and posses of police stationed here and there, Kilkenny seemed a very peaceful spot. That night we went to the cross-roads to attend a Sinn Fein meeting. Things Seen and Heard. Wedged in the crowd, I listened more and more with surprise. Was this Sinn Fein? Was I, an Englishman, so entirely safe among these Republicans ? I was. Absolute good feeling prevailed. Of personal animosity to Englishmen there was no trace. I speak to a man next me. He recognises my speech. We talk. 'Oh, no, he likes Englishmen ; but he wants to 'govern his own country,' that is all." But is that all 1 Always I hear these rumors of some dread event impending. I find some English officers, and we talk. They don't like this police job. Every man in the regiment has his friend in the town. Why do we not give the Irish what they want ? The next day I visit the offices of The Kilkenny People. I see the machinery removed by the military. I speak to the proprietor. He is a pleasant man, and tells the story without the slightest hostility. I can see the incident has exasperated people. It probably gave Sinn Fein two hundred- votes. But Kilkenny is so orderly; there are so few "sticks" that I move away, only returning on the eve of the election. Clearly Sinn Fein holds the town.

There is ,a : march procession round the town. Sinn Fein pickets hold the streets. In perfect order, Mr. Cosgrave is elected. ~ ./•... Puzzled. I meet Professor Mac Neill, and we shake hands. I find him a man of high character. Disorder Certainly not. "Our object is to prevent disorder,'' he tells me. Again lam puzzled. He looks a little tired, but there is no hatred in this man. As we talk, I learn to like him. We discuss ends and means. lam in front of a lofty mind, sincere, creative, and then I get in conversation with a policeman. Once more I find a human being.\. He rejects all idea of trouble. "They are well-disciplined," he tells me. Clearly he bears no ill-feeling. I leave Kilkenny somewhat baffled. I will not attempt to analyse the intricacies of Irish politics, yet I cannot help recording my impressions, the impressions of an Englishman, wholly desirous of helping to bring the Irish question to a constructive settlement. And what I see is a danger. On the one hand, I seem to see a National move-

ment running away with the country; and, on the other, the difficulty contained in the responsibility of government which in its present shape all sections of opinion are agreed must go. Now lam convinced that Sinn Fein, in spite of the letters I.R. on the Republican flag, is in its ultimate objective a constitutional movement in a word, stands for Interdependence of Republicanism or Home Rule, also that it is determined to preserve order and endure to the limits of what in Ireland has come to be known as provocation. Provocation may come in two ways. We know, for instance, that the Easter rising was the result of a somewhat mysterious generalship, the conditions of which may still exist, though not perhaps in Ireland at all, and unknown even to the leaders of the movement. Perhaps this may be called the international aspect of the difficulty, reacting upon Ireland, ever the catspaw of extraneous and-unregisterable forces, in which connection we have to recognise the irreconcilable factors in America. * Where Danger Lies. -. But I will not seek to enter into this side of the question. My object is rather to point out—as I see the situation—the tremendous responsibility at this juncture resting upon the English Government. The forcible suppression of the Kilkenny paper is a case. A certain baton charge in which children were injured is another. A recent case of potential trouble in connection with a Sinn Fein demonstration is another. All restrictive orders are, in fact, aggravating the situation, and here I foresee a danger. Last night I saw a young man knocked down by the police in Westmoreland Street, and left there unconscious. I have seen Cossacks do that in UNiiist Russia. I cannot believe that such brutality conduces to settlement. It is clear that Sinn Fein would sweep the country. If that is so, and Sinn Fein in its ultimate .objective aims at Interdependence, then, surely, we English, who desire a settlement, should avoid anything in the shape of provocation. For what is at stake in Ireland is literally Britain's good faith. The winning over of Ireland is the justification of our cause. Never, perhaps, has the consummation of that end looked more hopeful than at this hour. Misunderstanding. The danger, it appears to me, lies solely in misunderstanding, in that want of openness and open dealing, which have been the bane of the Irish problem. For what I see are certain forces inciting to provocation, even unconsciously so inciting, where the conditions for a real understanding were never so promising and in a true sense solid. It is the atmosphere of secrecy and mystification which causes the danger. If the women of Ireland now acclaim Sinn Fein it is because of Easter Week. We must remember that the Irish Parliamentary Party have a very difficult position between the two forces which govern to-day, which the censorship does not help, which provocation only increases. In my opinion only the full measure of Home Rule can bring contentment, the difficulty is the intermediate stage—the time-table. If Phoenix 'Park only bears that in mind, there is, I firmly believe, reason for unqualified hope. The danger lies in failing to adjust the time-table to what is absolutely necessary in the interests of common order and what is natural in the ebulliency of the hour. Publicity would help immensely. We cannot afford another clash, nor will there be any necessity for it if we deal openly with the leaders of Sinn Fein 'in the spirit of the time-table pending settlement through and by the Convention.