THE SITUATION IN IRELAND

New Zealand Tablet, 2 November 1916, Page 41

THE SITUATION IN IRELAND

- SOME PREGNANT POINTS. Two great facts stand out clearly from the welter of recent happenings in Irelandconstitutional methods as the only means of procuring the application of the Home Rule Act; the Parliamentary Party as the only means of using those methods (says the Rev. T. McCotter, M.A., in the Irish Weekly of September 2). The Sinn Feiners proved to demonstration the truth of the one, the settlement opponents that of the other. The Sinn Feiners failed to obtain even comparative success, because they had not the country with them. The opponents of the settlement have failed to organise a party, because they have not the country with them. In every land there is a large mass of moderate men the dead weight of whose support gives victory to a leader. In England, they cause the swing of the pendulum in America, they bring about the election of a President. From what we know of the genesis of the rebellion, one truth is clear; it was esoteric in its origin, those who planned it being a small body, practically a secret society, and thus necessarily out of touch with the moderate men—i.e., the majority of the nation. In the light of disclosed facts, the rebellion was, from the beginning, hopeless. The idealists have suffered for their ideals; their fate is not calculated to inspire imitators. Constitutionalism, us opposed to armed revolt, holds the field. If, then, we wish to discover the Leader and the Party destined to put the Home Rule Act into operation, we can best do so by answering the question: What phase of constitutionalism will carry moderate opinion —i.e., the majority of Irishmen —with it? The man who rallies moderate opinion to his standard will be the first Home Ride Premier. A brilliant Irishman, given to epigram, coined the phrase, ‘ Ireland is split-sick.’ I am inclined to think that if there was a National Convention summoned by the people, 'controlled by the people, and if the question, Is Ireland split-sick were put to it, the response would be a thunderous ‘ Aye.’ It is quite possible that I may be wrong, and that Irealnd at the present moment is ‘ blue-mouldy ’ for want of a split. Assuming, however, that I am right, and that all Ireland has determined to preserve unity as the means of victory, she will naturally be averse to a new Party arising, and will enter in a businesslike way into the question as to whether her old Party is best calculated to ensure her such unity and ultimate success. She will consider that she has at. the present time, and has had for many years, in her service a Party consisting of a Leader, his lieutenants, and the rank and file. She will note, further, that this leader has satisfied the supreme test of leadership— he has led; that his colleagues have fulfilled their duties as lieutenants they have assisted him in leading; and that the rank and ■file of the Party have loyally obeyed. She will observe, moreover — mention a few —that as the fruits of their labors, the farmers own their lands, the laborers are admirably housed, the people have a system of education fairly well suited to their needs, and that a Home Rule Act is on the Statute Book. She will note, further, that the Party possesses a very important asset —the machine itself, plus the United Irish League, with its ramifications all over the country, its executives, its National Directory, and its thousand and one means of propaganda work. * Last, but not least, she will remark that she does not require to subscribe directly

to the Party; the members receive from Imperial sources salaries of £4OO a year. Speaking of salaries reminds me that one of the most stupid reproaches levelled at the Irish members is that of drawing salaries of £4OO a year. Eighty members—' Ireland’s Army and Navy ’ —thus receive £32,000, while Ireland’s annual drink bill is £14,000,000, and her contribution for Imperial purposes many ■ millions more ! Why, there are munition workers at present earning more than £4OO a year. It is scarcely credible that, knowing all this, Ireland will scrap the machine and calmly go in search of the ‘ great and fearless layman ’ who is to inaugurate the milennium. All things considered,- it is not unreasonable, to conclude that when the moderate men have sized up the Party in possession and the Party in embryo they will have no hesitation in plumping for John Redmond and the 1 machine.’ Every student of the French Revolution is aware of the intellectual splendor which shone in the aristocratic salons of Paris on the eve of that astounding event. The most novel and daring theories in religion and politics were seized on with avidity and discussed with the utmost freedom by the clever ladies and fine gentlemen who thronged these fashionable resorts. In a short time a stream of charming and intellectual heads rolled into the sawdust at the foot of the guillotine. The fine theories had reached the people, who with inexorable logic put them into practice— was all. The moral is plain. If certain highly-placed people indulge in an orgy of criticism directed against Irish Catholic public men, sneering at them in a for-; cible-feeble kind of way as ‘so-called leaders,’ authors of ‘ false pretences and false issues,’ ‘ England’s paid politicians,’ England’s ‘ friendlies,’ etc., they need not complain if simple-minded men who love and venerate their leaders should learn the lesson and criticise the critics. The people of Ireland are passing through a crisis not of their own making. They are inclined to lose their temner and upbraid one another. That would be their undoing. Let them remember that they form one family, and that when a family quarrel is over the members must sit around the same table, take part in the same daily routine, and in general co-operate for the same common purpose. The time will come, and come quickly, when Irishmen will line up as before for ‘ the great push ’ which will bring freedom to our country. Meantime the task is to organise. A word of warning as to the attacks made almost daily by a certain paper on John Redmond and his colleagues. These attacks are to be treated with contempt. In his own brilliant way G. K. Chesterton characterises such conduct— ‘ It is too much the custom in politics to describe a political opponent as utterly inhumane, as utterly careless of his country, as utterly cynical, which no man ever was since the beginning of the world. This kind of invective may often have a great superficial success; it may hit the mood of the moment; it may raise excitement and applause ; it may impress millions. But there is one man among all those millions whom it does not impress, whom it hardly even touches ; that is the man against whom it is directed. The one person for whom the whole satire has been written in vain is the man •whom it is the whole object of the institution of satire to reach. He knows that such a description of him is not true,’ With a fervent prayer that the blessing of St. Patrick and St. Columbkille may be upon your meeting.’ Thus wrote an excellent prelate to a meeting summoned to promote faction. The story goes that Columbkille or Columba was ordered by the Ardri, or High King of Ireland, to restore to Finian the copy he had made of the latter’s book. ‘He refused,’ says the historian, ‘to abide by the decision of the Ardri ; angrily made his way to the North; roused with his fierce complaints his relatives and friends; and Tirconnell, assisted by the King of Connaught, made war upon Diarmid.’ Such was he, who by a certain curiosa felicitas has been constituted patron saint of faction. It is, however, consoling to know that Columba, when he realised what

he had done, banished himself to lona in expiation of his crime, against his country. -N : The terms of the proposed temporary settlement having been made impossible, it was smashed by John Redmond as he had promised. The Irish leader’s conduct of the case was masterly, as the decision of the WUlster Conference was statesmanlike. For my part ▼I have seen no reason to change my opinion regarding that decision, believing with honest Sancho in Cervantes’ masterpiece that ‘ when they give you a heifer make haste with the rope • and when good fortune comes be sure to take her in.’ Meantime there is no reason to be downhearted. ‘ Wise men ne’er wail their present woes, But presently prevent the ways to wail.’ Ireland is not in such a parlous state. She remains the same splendid island that she always was; the sun shining on her fertile fields ripening a plentiful harvest; there is ample employment for her people ; thanks^to the Irish Party there is no Conscription; thanks to the British Government there is no emigration ; she will thus at the end of the. war have a largely increased population to enjoy the blessings of SelfGovernment. Let Irishmen, then, raise up their hearts, exclude whimsies from their brains, set their faces resolutely against faction, and stand shoulder to shoulder.