The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, MAY 11, 1916. THE REVOLT, AND AFTER

New Zealand Tablet, 11 May 1916, Page 29

The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, MAY 11, 1916. THE REVOLT, AND AFTER

HE cable news from Ireland is still somewhat fSI jjull fragmentary, but the latest messages cona?! jjl® i vey the satisfactory intelligence that the shops have re-opened in Dublin and that the situation in the capital is now practically normal. The most arresting \ <Sa&' T . items of the week have ifeen those w relating to the punishment of the conspirators and to the drastic political and administrative changes which have been or are to. be made as one of the consequences of the trouble. In regard to the first, the authorities in the first instance acted in a reasonable and commonsense way and one to which no dispassionate or thoughtful mind could take serious exception. It was necessary that the actual ringleaders should be severely dealt with, and the infliction of the death penalty on the two or three who were the head and front of the mad movement cannot fairly be made the subject of condemnation. • There were amongst them men of : high education, who must have known the full significance of what they were doing. P. H. Pearse, Dublin born but of English descent, one of the signatories , to and probably the framer of the document proclaiming an

Irish republic, was a man of high scholarship and undoubted ability. He had recently published a pamphlet—anti-English, of course —on the subject of Irish education, and the reviewer of The Gaelic Athlete, Dublin, while not professing to agree with all the contents of the publication, says of the author : ‘ When Mr. Pearse writes on Irish education, he writes on a subject of which he has more knowledge and experience than any of his readers, and he is besides one of the foremost thinkers of modern Ireland.’ The eulogium is probably exaggerated, but "it is sufficient to indicate that Pearse was a man who might easily acquire a hold over less reflecting people. James Connolly, who was at first reported killed, and later as badly wounded, is also a man of more than ordinary education and ability. He is the author of a volume entitled Labour in Irish History, issued by one of the leading Dublin firms, regarding which the publishers’ notice says: ‘This work by Mr. James Connolly, the well-known Irish-American Labor Leader, will be invaluable for those who desire to gain a knowledge as to the relations between the great political movements of the past in Ireland, and the hopes and struggles of the toiling masses. Beginning with a careful resume of the effects of the rupture with Gaelic traditions, laws, and language, it deals with the social aspect of the various phases of the Irish National struggle for the past two centuries, and the part which the labor question played in these historical episodes. The work will form an indispensable handbook for all engaged in democratic propaganda in Ireland.’ At a time of severe crisis such as the present, men like these are dangerous, and no one will complain if effective measures are taken to protect loyal and law-abiding people from their reckless deeds. But to deal out the death penalty indiscriminately on their blind and foolish dupes would be the surest way to make martyrs and to direct popular sympathy into quite the wrong channel. According to Mr. Redmond, such a tendency has already manifested itself, and from motives of policy, if from no higher considerations, it is time that the authorities called a halt in the matter of executions of the rank and file.

The resignations arising out of the failure of the Irish Executive to make the necessary preparations for possible trouble include those of Mr. A. Birrell, Chief Secretary for Ireland, and of Sir Matthew Nathan, Under-Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant. The retirement of the latter, whose appointment was always a bitter pill for the Irish people,' will give unqualified satisfaction throughout Ireland. In the case of Mr. Birrell, on the contrary, regret and sympathy will be the prevailing feeling in all quarters, not only amongst his friends, but even in the ranks of his political opponents. Genial, cultured, broad-viewed, with a wide and enlightened knowledge and appreciation of the best and highest aspirations of the Irish people, the spirit of his administration of Irish affairs was always friendly,' generous, , and sympathetic. His personal worth, gratitude for his past good work in Ireland, and the candor with which he acknowledged his failure adequately to grasp the trend of recent developments, all combine to disarm criticism, and constrain us to think of him always as the kindly gentleman, and lover and friend of Ireland. But these considerations cannot blind us to the fact that the Irish Executive showed a most woful laxity and a most extraordinary disregard of plain and unmistakable intimations that mischief was brewing. Though the rebels had succeeded in keeping the actual details of their plans a close secret, the signs and omens of coming trouble were open and palpable, not only in Clan-na-Gael quarters in America but even in Ireland, itself. For example After a small affray arising out of a Sinn Fein gathering, we read, in an Irish paper dated February 26, of the discovery of a quantity of explosives and ammunition in a wood on the outskirts of the village , A large number of tins ordinarily used by workmen to carry their dinners were found filled with explosives, the caps screwed down and fuses inserted. * The County Inspector, Dis-

trict Inspector, and a large force of police,’ says the paper, ‘ arrived in the village and carried out a diligent search. The result of their investigations is not yet definitely known, but interesting developments are pro* mised. A. military expert has examined the explosives and bombs found concealed in a drain at Leixlip. The large quantity of the former mainly consisted of gelignite, a very high explosive of the dynamite class, and gunpowder and. smokeless powder in tins. There were nine bombs, constructed from small one-quart tins with handles, filled with sharp pieces of iron and heads of bolts, packed round a gelignite cartridge, into which was inserted a detonator attached to a few inches of safety fuse. Experienced officers consider these bombs highly dangerous and likely to cause widespread destruction. The bombs were of very recent construction, the tins not being rusted in any way.’ That was two months before the rebellion broke out, but apparently no precautions were taken. About a month later, on St. Patrick’s Day, 5000 Sinn Fein Volunteers, armed and. equipped, were reviewed in Dublin by Mr. Eoin Mac Neill, and the traffic in College Green and Dame street was suspended for the occasion. Corpmanders Pearse, Macdonagh, etc., were present. Shortly afterwards, the London Times reported the following incident : * A number of armed men appeared about midnight outside Dublin Castle. The officer in charge posted one body of troops at the upper and another at the lower gate. A third body was sent round to hold the exits at the rear. After these dispositions had been made to the officer’s satisfaction he inspected and dismissed his troops. Dublin Castle had been taken—in theory.’ Still nothing was done; and when the attack on Dublin Castle was actually made there were only three soldiers at hand for its defence, and according to the cables the rebels could easily have walked in had they not been afraid that its apparent weakness was only a trap. *

The reports and open statements in American papers gave a still more explicit indication of the intended rising. We have space for only one or two illustrative extracts. ‘ Ireland on the Verge of Revolt’ was the heading of an article which appeared in the Chicago Tribune at the end of March. The substance of the article was contributed by Miss Carolyn Wilson, the woman war correspondent of the paper, who wrote under date March 22 that Ireland was on the verge of revolt and that the partially armed Irish Volunteers were ready for open resistance to British authority. ‘ Anything may happen in Ireland any time,’ wrote Miss Wilson, ‘ and we won’t get a chance to print what happens until long after the happening.’ The New York World of April 2 printed an article with the significant title ‘ The Revolt in Ireland,’ in which it dealt with the openness of the Sinn Fein activities. And an Irish World editorial of April 1 had these suggestive words: The recent Convention summoned into existence the new organisation known as the Friends of Irish Freedom. Its very name is suggestive of the work it has mapped out for itself. Let us highly resolve that that work from this time forth shall be carried forward with zeal and devotion worthy of the mighty issues involved. . . . The hour for decisive action has struck. We are living in a time such as our fathers hoped to see. Shall we let it slip by without our availing ourselves of ciur unquestioned ability to render invaluable service to Mother Ireland V In the face of all these premonitory signs and utterances, the Irish Executive took no steps for the protection of life and property in Ireland. Under the circumstances the claim of the broken Dublin citizens, and still more of the ruined and destitute poor, for compensation from the Imperial Treasury is one that cannot be denied. ,