OUR CONCEPTION OF FEDERATION*

New Zealand Tablet, 30 October 1913, Page 15

OUR CONCEPTION OF FEDERATION*

By the Very Rev. Canon Sharrock.

A GREAT CATHOLIC MOVEMENT

It has been said that no movement can be. permanently successful unless it is built upon public opinion thoroughly satisfied of the need of it, and it is certainly true to say that the Catholic Federation can never be permanently successful until it is built upon a Catholic opinion thoroughly satisfied of the need for the Catholic Federation. From the beginning of the movement people have asked, and will continue to ask: * How far does the Federation . partake of the nature of a political party, and how far will it make it difficult .for me to hold my political opinions?' This is a straight question demanding a straight answer, and the success of the movement depends to some extent, at least, upon a satisfactory answer being provided. The Federation and Politics. How far does the Federation partake of the nature of*: a political party?' In the first place, the Federation claims to be a Catholic movement, and any movement to be Catholic must possess that spirit of comprehensiveness which characterises the Church herself. The different schools of political thought which are acceptable to the Church will likewise be acceptable to the Federation, and the members of those schools who are to be found in the Church must likewise be found in the ranks of the Federation. Are any of those doctrines of Conservatism, Liberalism, Laborism, and Irish Nationalism which are admitted by the Church to be banned by the Federation ? The question only needs asking to answer itself. But to put the matter clearer, we might ask another question: What would be thought of any of the great political parties of this country Liberal party, for instanceif it were to urge its members to belong to one of the other parties? Yet this is precisely the line the Federation takes.

•. The Federation is not' concerned with the political convictions of its members, but, on the contrary, says to them: If you hold political opinions, get inside the particular party which advocates these opinions enter that party, not as a Catholic, but as a citizen, and act with it, heart and soul, unless and until the party makes it impossible for you by introducing questions which are hostile to Catholic principle. Then the Federation expects you to run up the Catholic flag, to rally your co-religionists in your party under that flag, to fight the opponents of Catholicism inside your party, and, if necessary, to vote against your party at the polls.

Taking the Catholic Labor Man as an Illustration, we find him fighting against secular education and revolutionary Socialism inside his party for the last eight years, and, when necessary, voting against his party. _ Yet he knows that the Labor Party is bound to justify its existence by working whole-heartedly for those social reforms many cases they are merely the ordinary decencies of —which he needs so much. But he also knows that although Catholicism in the twentieth century does not ask Catholics to make sacrifice of their lives in amphitheatres, it asks them to make sacrifice in a very matter-of-fact, unromantic way. It is still asking him, Can he drink the chalice ? And he is aware that it is still expecting him to answer the question in the affirmative, even when that question f is put in the prosaic form of asking him to vote against . his party. If, then, those schools of political thought which are acceptable to the Church are also acceptable to the Federation, it is also necessary to show that members of _ those schools are actually members of the Federation. Otherwise, we might lay ourselves, open to the charge that we are confining ourselves to theory. If we take as an illustration the composition of the Manchester, Salford and District Committee of the

Federation, which is the legislative body for that district, we shall find that the delegates may be grouped as follows:(a) Irish Nationalists, who are the largest group, consisting of Irishmen, born or reared in Ireland, or of Irishmen of the second and third generation, who, perhaps, have never seen Ireland, but who hold the principle of Irish Nationalism with conviction • (b) Liberal group, about equal : in point of numbers with (c) Labor or Trade Union Group; (d) Conservative Group, which is the smallest, and (e) the nonpolitical group, the number of which it is difficult to estimate; it consists, of men and women whose political views -are not sufficiently pronounced to justify their being labelled. The existence of these diverse political elements mside the legislative body is sufficient proof that the Federation does not partake in any sense of the nature of a political party, and indicates most clearly that religion is its sole bond of union. The impossibility of imagining any political creed which" could hold that legislative body together for 24 hours is obvious enough, and it is still more obvious that any party which partakes of the nature of a political party must also possess something in the nature of a political creed. Hence the Federation not only is not, but cannot be, political. When the Federation is prepared to propagate political principles—however desirable those principles may be in themselves—which it is not the duty of the Church to propagate, then, at that particular moment, ■ the Federation partakes of the nature of a political party. At that particular moment, also, the Federation ceases to be a Catholic movement. The Manchester Guardian, during the November elections of 1907, said: 'We deprecate the formation of political parties upon religious lines.' So does the Federation. It went on to say : 'But we do consider that religious bodies are exercising their proper functions when they enter into political contests with,the object of preventing certain religious principles from being trampled under the feet of the combatants.' That description will serve the Federation very well. When the Federation Interferes. . We have effectively interfered upon those grounds, and they are the only grounds which justify an interference. If political parties do not desire our entry into political contests, they have the remedy in their own hands, by ceasing to menace Catholic interests. The Federation has other work to accomplish, and it is anxious to proceed with it as soon as political parties make it possible for it to do so. To come to our second question: ' How far will the Federation make it difficult for me to hold my political opinion?' Again taking the position of the Catholic Labor man as an illustration, what is his difficulty? He finds, we may suppose, an apparent difficulty in reconciling his labor principles with his Catholic principles. If the principles his party advocates are obviously opposed to his Catholic principles, he. is bound to leave his party. But the policy of any political party, at a given time, may be. out of harmony with the principles of that party. The party may have got into the hands of a clique, who are pushing, not the principles of their party, but their own particular fads, the propaganda of those fads thus becoming the policy of the party at that particular time. This is the present position of the Labor party, and the position which is occupied by most political parties at some time or other in the course of their history. Of course, if the obnoxious policy has become by lapse of time so thoroughly identified with the party programme as to make its. removal a practical impossibility, the Catholic member of the party occupies the position that he would occupy if that policy were a principle of the party. _ But until that position is demonstrated, the Catholic is justified in remaining inside his party and attempting to upset the policy. That is the existing difficulty of the Catholic Laboi ; man. But that difficulty has not been created by the Catholic Federation. The difficulty has been created by people inside his own party, and the Federation says to him : ' The difficulty already existing, we offer to you the Federation, which will provide you with opportunities for consultation

'" with your fellow Catholic who is in the same position as yourself, and will thus make both of you better able to surmount that difficulty. We have not made it difficult for you to hold your political principles, but, if you are prepared to stand" by your Catholic principles, we shall provide you with encouragement and inspiration to do so. That difficulty only exists on the assumptionsurely warrantedthat you are prepared to stand by your Catholic principles. If you are noo prepared to do so, you have, of course, removed the difficulty yourself. What is true of the Catholic inside the Labor Party, is true of the Catholic inside any party, and thus the Federation cannot make it difficult for a Catholic to hold his political opinion. The principle and policy of the Federation, therefore, is the promotion and defence of Catholic interests, whenever and wherever those interests need promoting or defending, and, so far as they have any relationships to political parties the permeating of those parties, not with Catholicism, but with Catholics. It becomes, therefore, if not essential, at least advisable, that its members should belong to different political organisations as far as it is possible for them as Catholics to do so. The Need of Organisation. Another and more fundamental question remains: Does the Church in this country require an organisation ? If we examine the condition of Catholicism in those countries where it is publicly organised, as in Germany, Belgium, Holland, and the United States, we shall find that Catholicism fully holds its own but if we turn to countries like France and Portugal, where Catholicism is not publicly organised we shall find that it can make no headway against its foes, i Indeed, French Catholics would appear to be learning to-day that at least half their troubles arose from their lack of unity in front of the enemy, and, antecedently, from their lack of public organisations. Is it a mere coincidence that Catholicism should be succesful where Catholicism is publicly organised, and should not be successful where it is not publicly organised? It is the providential lot of the Church to which we belong to find mighty forces always arrayed against her; forces against which her children must defend themselves. Our aim is defence, mot defiance; but we must be effectively organised before wo can effectively defend. Surely the Education crisis should teach us that it is not wise to wait to train our forces until the crisis comes upon us. We shall be stating the obvious when we say that Catholic interests demand the formation of one organisation which will gather together the Catholic forces for the promotion and defence of those interests, whenever they are unjustifiably attacked by anti-Cath-olic or non-Catholic forces an organisation which will unite individuals as well as associations without destroying the individuality of the latter; an organisation which will feed all associations and be fed by them an organisation which will demand no more from its . members than the word catholic demands; an organisation which will know no distinction of party, class or sex; an organisation which will permanently retain that recently awakened spirit which prompted Catholics to act boldly, promptly, and unitedly in the defence of their schools. The Federation's Action. This organisation wo already possess in the Diocesan Federation and here we propose to examine briefly its constitution and the different ways in which it has rendered service. And first as to its action. In the autumn before Mr. Birrell's Bill passed the Com- / mons; the Catholics of the Salford diocese felt it incumbent upon them to make a protest. At once we felt the advantage of possessing machinery which was merely waiting to bo put into motion. A suggestion from our ■ Bishop, a recommendation by the Executive, a decision by the District Committee, and we were at once able to penetrate to every corner of the diocese, and set every parish actively at work through the instrumentality of the branch secretaries. The same advantage was realised, and the same process was followed, when the need arose for demonstrating, our sympathy for

our co-religionists in France when we organised within three days of the decision of the Archbishops and Bishops on the Runciman Bill, a protest meeting in every parish in the diocese and town's meetings in Manchester and Blackburn and had the opinions of those meetings placed directly in the hands of his Majesty's Ministers and Members of the House of Commons ; when we took 1500 Lancashire men and women to the Eucharistic Congress in London, and after standing the racket of Rochester Row, brought them all back more convinced "of the need for the Federation than ever they were and when we took many of the same working men and women on the pilgrimage to Rome to familiarise them with that centre of unity which stands at the back, of all Federations. •' Acting on the information that Minorities must suffer,' the Federation has held a watching brief over the voting of the local Members of Parliament in the House of Commons. The Convent Inspection Bill, the Catholic Disabilities Bill, the Accession Declaration Bill, the Secondary School Regulations, the Single School Area Bill, the Mental Deficiency Bill have all claimed our attentive interest and, when necessary, active protest has been made. The Old Age Pensions Act found a ready co-operation in securing the necessary information for the aged Catholic poor. The religious facilities for Catholics in the public Hospitals and Convalescent Homes have been duly safeguarded with excellent results. The Federation have seen to the provision of Catholic chaplains for the Catholic Territorials assembled in camp. Co-operation with the National Vigilance Association and the Pernicious Literature Committee has been established. A vigilant and active campaign has been effectively maintained with the press and the stag© when Catholic interests have demanded it. Branches of the Federation have protested with conspicuous success against the publication of objectionable films in the picture houses; whilst a firm stand has been made against the reports of the Royal Commission on Divorce: notably against some utterances of Dean ' Welldon's against the position of the Catholic Church in regard to divorce. The Parochial Spirit. One of the great obstacles to our progress in the past has. been our failure to. realise that'we have been too parochial. Every' Catholic will naturally take a proper pride in his own parish. To preach against that would be like preaching patriotism and forgetting to be patriotic to one's own hearthstone. But pride in one's own parish is consistent with pride in the progress of the Church in another parish. We have acted as if we were oblivious of the existence and welfare of other parishes, and the Church has not gained by such actions. Unity, and the forces which make for unity, have been hampered and impeded by the narrowness of the parochial spirit. The Federation is breaking down these unfortunate barriers, and there are few delegates whose views have not been broadened and whose opportunities for making the acquaintance of their fellow Catholics have not been increased since the introduction of the movement. One of the most pleasing features of the past and one of the surest guarantees of success in the future is the manner in which, priest and layman have differed in opinion without either resenting the right of the other to differ: If we are to present that united front which is so essential to success, we shall do it no less effectively because we have learned in District Committee our lesson of mutual forbearance and mutual goodwill. So far as it was desirable it was inevitable that parochial idols should be overthrown and narrow parochial ideas exploded, but it has been done without that friction and division which timid souls always expect. . " It will be remembered"that friction has sometimes arisen in the past whenever two or three parishes have been concerned in one electoral area. They have not agreed as to the particular man to whom they shall give their united support. The strong parish has succeeded in-forcing its will upon the weaker parishes, and the inevitable resentment has resulted. This has been owing to the absence of an authoritative body which could hold the scales between the parishes concerned.

■:■■■ ■ -;. • . ■ The Problem. ,;■-.■ .■, •": >:v ... -y,. ,- -■■ The problem before the Federation was: How to preserve the authority of the general movement without interfering unduly with the autonomy of . the branch ? We decided that in cases of friction the delegates of the branch or branches concerned should be associated with the executive for that particular purpose; they could debate and decide, but the common decision was to be binding upon all concerned; we have thus set up a body which can speak with authority, one whose decision will be more readily accepted by the branches because they themselves have helped to arrive at the decision. Turning to the organisation, we begin with the branch. The branch area is so-extensive with the parochial area. Every Catholic in the parish, over sixteen years of age, is eligible for membership and no further qualification is asked than is implied by the . word Catholic. It is at the branch meeting that the members exercise their right to discuss every rule" of the Federation and express their opinion upon it before it becomes law, and the name of every official in the movement must be submitted to them before he can be elected. They elect the six delegates who, together with the rector or his clerical nominee, will represent them on the District Committee, and every Catholic representative or member of a governing body who desires Catholic support must first receive the approval of the branch. In this way are recognised the responsibilities and privileges of every parishioner. The branch is authorised to affiliate to itself, in accordance with the regulations provided by the Federation, every other Catholic association in the parish. By this means the branch becomes the common meeting ground for the . individuals and associations in the parish, and thus becomes a great centre of unity and source of support. It is the business of the branch to take a survey of the parish, claiming a vote for every parishioner who is entitled to vote and securing registration of it, collecting the subscriptions of those parishioners who are Federationists and urging nonFederationists to join the movement. It carries on the work of the Literary and Debating Section by holding lectures, debates, etc., and distributes Catholic literature in a cheap and popular form. It organises the Catholic trade unionists in its own area and acts as local agent for the District Executive for all purposes. The District Committee. We will ask our listeners to accompany the branch delegates to the District Committee, which meets monthly, with an area co-extensive with the Deanery, and in the case of Manchester and Salford includes all branches in the Deaneries of Manchester and Salford District. It consists of the rectors and laymen and laywomen representing the branches, and knows no distinction of class, party, or sex. Its sole passport is: A Catholic elected by Catholics. It is the legislative body, asserting its right under the Bishop to be supreme in Federation matters, and possesses 'the power of affiliating Catholic associations whose areas are co-ex-tensive with its own. The Executive. fThe District Committee administers its affairs .; through an Executive, meeting monthly and composed of its own officials plus the Chairman of permanent subcommittees and the Registration agents of Registration sub-committees together with clergy and laity elected from it own body—the proportion of clergy to laity, right through the Federation, always being as one is to three. , t( _ The District Committee delegates different branches of its work to sub-committees, meeting monthly, which are as follows:—The Education Sub-Committee consists of six parents, six school managers, six representatives of local authorities, all elected from the District Committee, and six teachers elected from the Catholic Teachers' Guild. -It is necessary to note the representative character of that Committee. Eighteen of its ■ members are by training and practical experience familiar with the working of the education machinery through which the attacks on the Catholics schools are

made. Thus the committee brings the Catholic parent into closer contact with the teacher and -'the manager, it creates in him greater interest in Education affairs, with the result that his influence will be felt more frequently in those affairs, in the formation of the education authority and the exercise of his inalienable rights. The need of this committee will not be removed by the settlement of the Education question. Those familiar with : Irish affairs will be aware that the spirit in which Irish laws are administered is often quite as evil as the laws themselves similarly in Education matters we must always be prepared for difficulties of administration. For our part we found our "best justification of the existence of this committee in the statement which was presented through one of its chief spokesmen to the District Committee upon the occasion of the introduction of the McKenna Bill and we would ask from what source, before the existence of the Federation, could the parent have been placed in full possession of all the facts about the Bill 24 hours after it had been introduced ?.....' Sub-Committees. The Registration Sub-Committees are three' in number: Manchester, Salford, and Eccles, each possessing its own Registration Agent, attending the Revision Courts. It is responsible for the efficient registration of every Catholic voter in the area, and, at times of election, controls the machinery by which the will of the District Committee is carried into effect. It supervises, through its Divisional Captain, the registration work in each branch, and in many cases its workers assist in enrolling members and collecting subscriptions. These Committees are composed of two delegates from each Branch, and this Committeelike other Committeesexpects those delegates to represent particularly its own department of registration in each branch. It is the work of this Committee to provide Branches with all the literature and information which they require in connection with registration, and to co-ordinate the work of the Branches at Headquarters. The importance of this Committee cannot be exaggerated, as it is the medium by which the activities of the Federation are focussed, when necessary, at the Ballot Box. One of the advantages of this work being performed by the Federation lies in the fact that the knowledge of registration possessed by a particular branch is thus placed at the disposal of the whole movement. ... N - The Future of Confederation. We have met together under the auspices of the Plymouth Congress to emphasize our united belief in Confederation, and the Salford Federation will always assist every endeavor in that direction. It believes in the confederating of all federations and the affiliation of all associations, because it believes that wherever general apathy prevails, every federation and association must suffer, whilst a confederation which will stimulate general interest among Catholics must have a beneficial effect upon every federation and association. This is not the time, nor, perhaps, are we the men, neither is it the business of any one man to outline the Federation's future. It is sufficient to say that its possibilities are unbounded. Whilst presentday Federationists must allow the movement to have sufficient freedom to adapt itself to the needs of the Church as they arise, they must also steer it carefully down a purely Catholic channel, never allowing it to deviate. a hair's breadth from those Catholic principles which it has been called upon to advocate and defend, never allowing it to outrage its own spirit of true democracy by refusing to hearken to the responsible voices of those who alone can make Federation \ and ■ Confederation possible. The Federation can become a great moral agency, and there are many in the movement, priests and laymen, who have waited too long for the Federation to be easily deterred by any difficulties which might present themselves—priests and laymen who are prepared to give of their best in building up a successful Catholic organisation.