THE HOME RULE BILL

New Zealand Tablet, 18 April 1912, Page 11

THE HOME RULE BILL

INTRODUCED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ITS POWERS AND LIMITATIONS : On Thursday evening, April 11, -the long-promised .;-■ " Home Rule Bill was introduced in the House of Com-: mons by Mr; Asquith, the Prime Minister. It may, be ~ here 'mentioned that the first Home Rule Bill was in- - I troduced by Mr. "Gladstone twenty-six years ago, and was rejected. The second, by the same leader in 1893, was passed" by the Commons, but was thrown out by the House of Lords. - As the Prime Minister rose tense silence prevailed. Mr. Asquith paid a tribute to Mr. Gladstone's 1893 speech, which was a perfect exposition of the historic . case between Britain and Ireland. He would take up i the case where Mr. Gladstone finished. : He asked how far was the case, for .-and, against Home Rule affected by subsequent events. "In the light of the general elections that had occurred since 1894 the party's fortunes had ebbed and flowed, and Governments had come and gone/ yet through the shifting issues; and changing .;. policies' the constant insistence and persistence of ; the ; Irish demands remained. .He glanced at Ireland's ; e--." ponderant vote for Home Rule. Look at Ulster, where there were 17 Unionists and 16 Home Rulers. ■ He spoke of the hostility to Home Rule by a majority in the ■north-eastern \ counties." It was a ; factor not to be? ignored in the present bill, but he was unable.to admit that minorities had a right to veto the verdict of ai// majority of their r countrymen. {Mr. Asquith said that four important matters were reserved for the Imperial Parliament. The Land Purchase ' Act, because ;the ~ >secur,ity of the on the Imperial credit;. must in* no .nowise be affecte^?"^"There, would be an automatic traiisfer of J,he constabulary after sixr years r; „ and .-transfer, of the Pos^O-ffice Savings' a ■<& decade if the Irish Parliament wished,-and similarly--*, with old-age pensions and insurance. The Irish Parliament would not be allowed to -repeal or alter any of '% the provisions of the Home Rule Act, nor interfere ! with the right of appeal the Privy .Council concerning the validity of laws passed by the Irish. Parliament. "After mentioning the religious safeguards, Mr. Asquith explained that the bills passed in Ireland would be subject to the Lord Lieutenant's veto. ;;- CONSTITUTION OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT. ■;, Regarding the Senate, he said it would be desirable to have representatives of the minority who possiblywould not be represented. Senators would retire in rotation, and their places be filled by the Irish Executive. "Regarding the Commons, each constituency would number 27,000 electors, and this would give Ulster 59 members, Leinster 49, Munster 47, Connaught 25; and the /Universities two. In the event of disagreement between the two Houses, they would sit together. The improved-conditions in regard to social order had ; removed one argument that had formerly been used against Home Rule. Other factors were local government, land purchase for laborers, the university, old-/; age pensions, and National Insurance Acts. These ; tardy reforms were inadequate as a set-off against the evils which Irishmen believed were due to over-taxation / and depopulation. He continued that the granting of { 'the Imperial credit in the working of land purchase and old-age pensions had made • separation more unthinkable to Ireland. Dealing with the question from the standpoint of the United Kingdom and the Empire, Mr: Asquith emphasised the imperative need for emancipating the -Imperial Parliament from local f bui*dp.nß.__ They would never get local concerns treated timeously - or , sympathei- ;V cally until they had, the /wisdom; and courage to transfer / them to-the/ representatives; of /the people affected. : ■ l He{' l /emphasised the congestion of the business of the House : - of Commons, and said the existing system was centralised impotence. ; On being asked how it was possible /{ \ to discharge their duty -to the Empire, he referred to :

the granting of autonomy •to Australia and -South' Africa. Self-government in the r Transvaal was strictly analogous to Home Rule in Ireland. He would be a bold man who would assert that Ulster presented more difficulties than the Boers : and 1 Britons' living side fby side in territory that was 'just recovering from an internecine war. In the case of Australia and South? Africa the object .was- to provide j a central legislative/ and administrative authority to.deal with matters of common interest to the separate adjacent States; while maintaining- the utmost individual autonomy for local purposes. They started with a congested centre, and if they in* tended to carry out efficiently the common interests of the whole they must delegate the local interests to local management. Finally, the great Dominions, although starting from opposite poles, were all animated, by the same spirit for attaining the goal. He was sure they were all in hearty sympathy with the spirit and purpose of Home Rule. ■/■; .;.;. ;/■;■" } ? :;?•'"■ THE SCOPE OF THE BILL. ; '" % The first clause of the bill stipulated for the unchallenged supremacy- of the Imperial Parliament. The Irish Parliament would consist of v " the King and v two Houses, which according to the bill .were only empowered to- make laws exclusively relating to Ireland. The bill excluded from the Irish Parliament the "Crown, peace ;: and war, the control of navy and army, treaties, treason, and a number of other matters. /-, ./ '_-. I v -(?.>■ THE FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENTS.'' — -.> Mr. Asquith said the Executive would be the same as was provided for in the 1893 bill. Regarding "financial;; relations, the" Government had not adopted the Prihirose Commission scheme, but had benefited by its suggestions. / Its. reports would be presented to Parliament. ; The Estimates for the coming year showed that the;. true Irish revenue would be about £10,840,000, and : ' the / expenditure ".-,/. on Irish.; ~: services about £12,350,000. -The/Irish Parliaments would pay the -cost: of all except the reserved v services.; The annual grant of half a 'million-would gradually be reduced- to a.iWU.,OOO. The Imperial Parliament would continue to . tax the ; whole Kingdom, and the Irish Parliament would be empowered to reduce or discontinue for Ireland any Imperial tax, provided the sum Imperially transferred ; to Ireland was correspondingly reduced. / The Irish Parliament would: be ; empowered to impose taxes on its own , account, but would not be empowered sto impose Customs duties except on articles dutiable in the United - Kingdom;; It would not be empowered to augment the Imperial duty of Customs or the Imperial income ; tax, but would be free in connection with stamp duties, although/some of these would remain uniform throughout the Kingdom. The Joint Exchequer Board, two from each side, : with the chairman : nominated ;by the Crown, would adjust the financial relations. : : REPRESENTATION AT WESTMINSTER. > Irish representation at Westminster would be based on a member ; for every ■ 100,000 of population. 5 This would involve *■ the merging ; of the majority of the existing boroughs and < counties hence the universities would cease ?to be represented Between 20 and 30 self-governing Legislatures" were "now under allegiance to the Crown. Would one ; more break up the Empire? The demand now emanated, not from ; outlying quarters, ,but from a country near their shores, bound by ties of kindred and associated in every form of social and industrial ; movement, who. had borne and were bearing a noble share in upbuilding and holding together the greatest' Empire. " ' ;: ; K THE {IRISH LEADER'S VIEWS, A lj 1 Mr. Redmond said the principle of devolving the management, of local affairs upon local assemblies was the j foundation of the Empire to-day. No community of |white/men" had ever asked for the ; righl and been , refused it. The Nationalists did not want separation. They took their "stand where Mr. Parnell stood. They Were willing to accept '-. a subordinate Parliament as a final i settlement. Financially the bill t; was ,j far better than : those of 1886 and ; 1893 'I shall without hesitation/ Mr. Redmond said, ' recommend it to the Na-'/

tiohal Convention. In time it will turn. Ireland into a happy, prosperous country. ■ The Irish are never intolerant in religious matters, and are willing that any safeguards shall be; inserted which meet with Ulster's views.' Mr Redmond quoted Mr. Gavan Duffy's pamphlet upon Australia's experience to support his view. that a nominated Senate was far safer than a Senate elected on a narrow franchise. He hinted that the Nationalists desired that land purchase should be controlled by the Irish Legislature, and concluded with an eloquent reference to the spirits of Gladstone and ' Parriell dominating the historic scene. % " ;_ . Mr.' O'Brien, reserving his judgment on details, generally approved the bill. If it .were) accepted as a final settlement it would involve some renunciation of dreams which the-Nationalists formerly cherished. He regretted that the Cabinet had not accepted the recommendation 77 of its own ; ! expert committee, which favored the 'giving to Ireland *of fiscal independence. Apparently If eland was to ? have the excise, which exhausted its 7 source of revenue {and its power to devise new taxes, but /the Customs were to be settled by the Imperial Parliament. /; He was /afraid the dual control of the Irish purse would •■ not turn out happily. He congratulated the-Government 7 upon its determination to complete the land purchase -upon the Imperial credit. If the Irish people .accepted the bill he would give. it his loyal support /regardless' of narrow sectional interests. - ... ' PRESS AND OTHER CRITICISM. r The Times state| that the federalism in 7 the _ bill is the only excuse for "the retention of 42 Irishmen at Westminster, whose function it will be to vote for larger subsidies for Ireland. The proposed Senate, to be nominated first by the . Government in alliance ~ with the 7 Nationalists and shortly ;by the Irish Executive, is a ridiculous protection for the Unionist minority. The Radicals criticise the nominated Senate, and suggest as an-alternative, a Chamber to be elected by proportional representation: ' . -1 v The Standard (U.) declares that the financial ■ proposals are a combination of muddle and fraud, the net result of which is that Great Britain gives the Irish Exchequer two millions a year. Ireland/thus gets the army and navy for less , than nothing. The Daily Chronicle (G.) says that the complexity of the bill is a merit, as it shows that the details have been well considered, but it dislikes the nominated Senate, and says that colonial experience has shown that it is incompatible with democracy. It is also an objectionable precedent for a reformed House of Lords. The ail;/ News (G.) states that the bill is based on large and liberal lines, and regrets, that the Irish are. not given control of the Customs and excluded from the Imperial Parliament. The Westminster Gazette (G.) disap- ' proves of a nominated Senate. The Pall Mall Gazette (U.) says that the main effect of the bill is that England pays without governing, and Ireland governs withpaying. The Westminster Gazette (G.) says the bill firmly unites the supporters, of the* principle of Home Rule. The Freeman's Journal says that the bill is the boldest and" most generous measure yet introduced.; The Cork Free Press (Mr. W. O'Brien's paper) says the bill' offers a permanent solution •of . the unsolved Irish problem. The Irish Times (U declares that the bill will fprove utterly {unworkable, for it does not offer, any middle course between separation and a return ; to the /status quo {of union. : The Irish Independent cannot regard the scheme as final. It gives three-quarters of what was expected. - , THE FEELING IN IRELAND., The absence of any reference to a general devolution in the preamble of the bill is commented on, as such, it was understood a few weeks ago, would be included? Many Liberals are prepared to accept the -bill {as" the beginnings of a federal scheme, but consider that the ; giving of power to vary the Customs and excise is an obstacle to federalism. '- They urge that if England, Scotland^^and^Wales were similarly invested . it would create hopeless confusion. v ' ' {: The measure has aroused little enthusiasm in Dublin. Criticism in Ireland centres round the questions

of a nominated Senate ' and the financial provisions/ Pew Nationalists share the opinion^ of the Freeman'4h Journal. The average view is that the bill is neither bold nor generous. Disappointment is expressed at: the refusal of fiscal autonomy. Mr. O'Brien is calling! a convention at/Cork of representatives from districts* in sympathy with his policy to consider the bill. '"/{ - s " ' ' SIR J. G. WARD'S VIEWS. ;a / ;. '. - ; | Sir J. G. Ward has received a cablegram from Mr. Redmond, London, asking his opinion on the Horn© Rule Bill. Sir Joseph replied. ?Vlf strongly approve of the Home Rule Bill 7 which gives proper?- freedom, with every ; reasonable safeguard to minorities. It will settle the Irish question, will contribute enormously to the solidarity of the Empire, and increase good-fellow- % ship in America and the English-speaking world. \." ',' s - Speaking to a Post representative, Sir J. G. Ward said:' I supported Home- for Ireland on two broad grounds: First, it was in the best; interests lof the Empire as a whole; secondly, it was due to Ireland herself as - matter of common justice. , From .. the Imperial point of view the bill was only the recognition of. the principle.that the more yoil decentralise from Government control what are purely local affairs, the: more ■ you add to the efficiency and { energy of : that Governmerit, and' {more //you stimulate an active interest in it. .;; This was independent of that insistent and persistent national desire on the part of the Irish people" to govern themselves. The one. barrier'to British Impenal unity was the acute and u deep-felt sense of wrong, which the withholding of self-government had created in the breasts of the Irish people at Home and abroad. l More freedom to Ireland meant greater security to the Empire. ' \ The resentment felt by Irishmen 7 the world J over, notably in America, towards England r for: keeping Ireland in • her present position of subjection ; had. contributed immensely to prevent. that internal amity \{ which was the only permanent basis of international'/ goodwill throughout the English-speaking world.' ." .;' TWO HOME RULE CABINETS. **' • The comparatively .brief life of politicians is strikingly brought out by the fact that in the Cabinet which in 1912 ; lias introduced the Home Rule Bill, Mr. Asquitk and Lord Morley. are the only survivors of -.- the Cabinet of 1893 which drew up the second Home Rule Bill of Mr. Gladstone. The Earl of Crewe, as Lord Houghton, was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, but was not a member of the Cabinet. All the other Ministers of to-day came new to their task. Death hasr removed the following members of Mr. Gladjtpn.e'-s«r=. Cabinet I —Lord Herschell, j Lord Krmberley, tlie Marquis i of Ripon, Sir William Harcourt, ; Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, Lord-f Spencer, Mr. M_un.dellaif r and Lord Wolverhampton. "'"""'• --•"■*■:-; : ; '-^---^^^W^^-'': : . Morley has retired from active political life, Sir George Trevelyan has turned back to the books he ? loves, 'Mr.- Bryce is representative in "the United States, Mr. . Herbert Gardner .is the Lord"~ Burghclere of to-day, Mr. Acland finds occupation outside,Parliament, and Mr. Shaw-Lefevre, under his title "'.{ of Lord Eversley, is active in many useful ways in public affairs. ' „ -i, . ■- -■.--.' Lord Rosebery, the other surviving member of Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet, no longer works with the Liberal ? - party, but ploughs his independent furrow. Yet 1 when so much has changed it is notable £hat ih. Lord Morley and Lord Crewe we still have with us two Ministers {{ who were directly responsible for Irish' affairs. ; The old j tradition that the Irish Office was :t not only the *{ grave of reputations, but killed those! who went through .{ its; labors, is disproved <by the fact that /Lord* '. Morley * and Sir George Trevetyan both survive, although they were at the Irish Office in tho eighties; while on the 7 '*} other side Mr. Balfour i carries us back to a period ? almost. as distant. - -;-?:,,*. • And mention of Mr. Balfour reminds one that the mowing down of the ranks of /the- principal opponents of Home Rule has been just as complete. Neither Mr. Chamberlain nor/ Mr. Balfour remains {in any. official connection with the Opposition, arid Mr. Henry Chaplin is the one member of the Cabinet of 1892 who is still playing an active part in the affairs of the Commons.

MILESTONES IN FIGHT FOR HOME RULE. .1870—Home Rule Government Association established , in Dubjin. ;-* '■ „ '"v.- ~ '- :; ; 1874—A in the Commons in favor of Home Rule ?. ,defeated. ■„;.;■. ■-.; '; ' '.. v, -yl}>;\ - ' ; - : ' L; -, : .-•'■ ::':: ; . ; ;; Movement for Home Rule. took definite shape.;rf.lßß0 —Charles Stewart, Parnell chosen parliamentary leader of the Irish Party. ->■;.:. 1882—Parnell entered into negotiations with Gladstone. 1886—Gladstone introduced his first Home Rule .Bill, ; arid delivered a famous speech in support of it. The bill was summarily rejected.. l . \ :;•„,^ .1889 Lord Salisbury in a speech ridiculed the agita- [■■: tion in favor of Home Rule in Ireland. -* T -.. . ; ;;||~ ; 1890—Parnell was re-elected leader of the Irish Party. 1891 Parnell died, and John E. Redmond succeeded, him as parliamentary leader. ; \,- -'.:_- 1892—-Resolution for ; giving Home Rule separately to England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales rejected by the Commons. ' 1893—Gladstone introduced his second Home Rule Bill, which passed ' the House of Commons, only to be I thrown out by the House of Lords. z .-Jz&t 1909 Liberal Government sought an alliance With .-'"■'-' "the Irish T Nationalists.'■•, The latter agreed to support the Budget and other Government measures with the understanding that a Home Rule Bill would be introduced rand passed. : .1 U- ; : " 1910— measure was passed limiting the veto power of the House Jof Lords, which removed the great obstacle in thq path of the Home Rule movement.;.; MR. T. P. O'CONNOR'S FORECAST. What will be the re-grouping of Irish politics and parties when there is an Irish Assembly ? S : Will ? it be on racial? and religious •lines? Not a bit of it. It will be in -Ireland as it. is getting to be everywhere elseon , economic ; lines; arid above [ all, it .will be ;on the tendency, world-wide, finally irresistible, to modify, if not revolutionise, : the distribution of wealth, and the larger share, of the results of human effort to those who work with their hands. ': I foresee the time when the; staunchest allies in such, a; conflict will be the Protestant working men of Belfast - and the Catholic working men of Dublin. Ido not pretend to think :tat such a conflict, when it comes, will be a short end an 'easy or a very dispassionate fight, but I have no;- doubt that such a fight will come in a self-governed - Ireland, and I feel as little doubt that there, as elsewhere, it will end in a bigger: advance towards better conditions for the toilers ;of 'lreland. As to the religious cry, I know no cry more insincere, more ignorant, and blinder to the universal -teachings of history. Democracy is not faultless, any more;than anything else human, but there is one fault of which it never has been and never can be guiltyyfand:' that is religious persecution, or, love for, ; or tolerance of,. religious inequality. Democracy is not only hostile to, but irreconcilable with, :j sectarianism. These are the great facts in modern popular development which underlie the Home Rule struggle. These are the facts which the Tories ignore, and that is one of the many reasons why my first impression of the House of Commons after my temporary escape from its narrowing outlook is the hopelessness; of the Tory position, and the /actual selfconfidence, of the Progressive forces at the beginning of the big fight which this Parliamentary session is to begin and, I believe, also to end. - --' :'