The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, APRIL 18, 1912. THE HOME RULE BILL

New Zealand Tablet, 18 April 1912, Page 33

The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, APRIL 18, 1912. THE HOME RULE BILL

- ■ ®T|[® IIE long-expected come at last; and Mr: CIK Asquith, in fulfilment of the announce-j&jm-te ment made some weeks ago, introduced his ie Rule Bill in the House of Commons APIfIL ? n i Fnday last ' Tllou g h the present P\JjbPjf liberal leader could scarcely hope to at- » 'pF tr act the commanding " personal interest which centred in the * figure of the Grand . Old Man—Mr. Gladstone—on the occasion ol the introduction of the Home Rule Bills of 1886 and 1893 the scene last week was a sufficiently memorable one. 'All the seats/ says the cable message,' were secured hours before the proceedings commenced. • ._ . The House of Commons was crowded, and a 5 loud shout welcomed Mr. Asquith, while Mr-Red-mond, who entered a.' few minutes later, was greeted with triumphant Nationalist cheers.' . Mr Asquith's speech was a dignified, statesmanlike, and in every way impressive presentment of the arguments in favor of the Irish demand; and Mr. John Redmond's contribution to the debate was a very fine effort, well worthy ot the occasion, his reference to, the spirits of Gladstone and -Parnell dominating the historic scene being an especially happy and telling touch. Even Mr. William % J- 1G ?~ W ! aSe ability no one car question— with studied moderation; and his promise of loyal surmort to he Rill, if faithfully fulfilled, will be an important factor in facilitating the passage of the measure through its various stages. 5 * '■■■"-••■. ■■■ .'" .'*•'•- /■• We give elsewhere full particulars of ) the Government proposals, and of the discussion on the \ measure - as furnished by the cable messages so far to hand' amen l * to T lsist ° f a n °™nated senate of forty members, and an elective House of Commons of 164 members. The Senate will be nominated in the first instance by the Imperial Government;

and the members will hold office for eight years. After that period they will retire in rotation, and the vacancies will be filled, by the Irish Cabinet. In the event of a deadlock the two Houses will sit together for the purpose of taking a decisive vote. The power of veto and postponement of legislation is to rest with the Imperial authority; a right of appeal to the Privy Council is provided concerning the validity of laws passed by the Irish Parliament ; barriers are erected against any possible religious intolerance; and the control of all Imperial affairs and services as they affect Ireland is to remain in London. The Irish revenue is still to be collected by Imperial officers, and will be transferred to the Irish Government with a temporary annual grant of £500,000, to be gradually reduced to £200,000. 3?or a period ranging from six to ten years the constabulary, the post office savings bank, the land purchase system, old-age pensions and national insurance are to continue under Imperial control. The Irish Parliament will be empowered to impose taxes on its own •account, but will not be entitled to impose Customs -duties, except on articles dutiable in the United Kingdom. Nor will it be empowered to augment the Imperial Customs duties or the Imperial income tax, but it will have certain rights of raising revenue through the stamp duties. - !'"-''•■ * * : The first question which naturally arises is, Is the Bill a reasonably good one— reasonable satisfaction ■of the Irish aspirations and demands, and a reasonable fulfilment of the Premier's specific pledge of ■' full selfgovernment' for Ireland If Mr. Asquith's measure were to be regarded as the last word on the subject, the answers to these questions, in our judgment, _ would have to be in the negative. As the Bill stands with its Privy Council checks, its limitations on the legislative powers - of the Irish Parliament, and its numerous reserved services—it certainly falls short of full self-government' in any reasonable sense of that somewhat elastic expression; and there will, we should think, be general agreement with Mr. William O'Brien's veridct that 'if it was accepted as a final settlement,. it would involve some renunciation of dreams which Nationalists had formerly cherished.' The especial weakness of the measure lies in its financial proposals. A' grant of £500,000 a year is anything but a generous measure of restitution for the wholesale robbery which Ireland has endured" through English over-taxation during the past hundred years; and there seems no adequate reason for withholding from the country the control of her own Customs. The ideal Home Rule scheme is that enjoyed by New Zealand, Australia, Canada, South Africa, etc. Ireland is entitled to as much control of her tariff as New Zealand has of hers; and any arrangement short of that is not likely to be permanently satisfactory. As mentioned by us a fortnight ago, the best Irish thought has for some time past been concentrating with ever gathering force on the desirableness not, indeed, the absolute necessityof complete fiscal autonomy and absolute separation of the English and Irish exchequers as the indispensable condition of any final and fully acceptable system of Home Rule. Even the Irish Times, the Dublin Unionist organ, acknowledges the reasonableness of this attitude. If Home Rule is inevitable,' it remarked in a recent issue, it must be complete Home Colonial Home Rule. If the Irish people are to accept the tremendous risk of self-government the conditions must be such as will, give them at least a chance of success.' * Mr, Asquith's Bill, however, is not the final settlement of the question. The measure will be open to amendment during its passage through the House of Commons ; and Ireland will have the opportunity later on—as experience shows the necessity for them—of asking for better terms. We give elsewhere the main provisions of Mr. Gladstone's Bills of 1886 and 1893; and a glance at these will show that the present Bill, as it stands, is out of sight better than either of the two measures which were before accepted by 1 the Party. In regard to the fiscal question, the general Nationalist view is that while fiscal autonomy will alone fully

satisfy,- the denial of complete financial control, does not justify rejection of the measure. It is with these considerations in. mind, doubtless, that Mr. Redmond, Mr. John Dillon, Dr. Kelly, Bishop of Ross, and even Mr. William O'Brien have expressed approval of the broad principles of Mr. Asquith's scheme. , Bishop O'Donnell, of Raphoe, has urged all public bodies in Ireland to ' discuss, sift and master the bearings of the Bill in meeting after meeting before pronouncing their considered views' .; and it will be immediately submitted also for consideration to a National Convention in Dublin. In the meantime, its introduction in the House of Commons, with a sure majority in its favor, marks another milestone passed. Owing to the certain opposition of-the Lords, the Bill is not likely to become law for at least a couple of years; but the goal is now in sight, and Ireland's long-drawn and nobly-sustained struggle for justice and freedom is drawing to its close.