Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

'98 CELEBRATION IN AUCKLAND.

A MAGNIFICENT SUCCESS.

(From our own correspondent.)

Who fears to speak of '08 ?" The answer from Auckland to the quondam patriot Dr. Ingram went out loudly and emphatically in the negative on the fifth and sixth June. Of the many and numerous Irish assemblages in the city of the north, not one can compare with the enthusiasm (I cannot say unanimity, because unfortunately there were those who did " fear to epeak") and earnestness displayed by the Irishmen and Irishwomen of Auckland in the commemoration of the rising of 1798. A century of years has failed to dim in the Irish heart the sad memories of the cruel and enforced position into which our forefathers were dragooned by a set of designing Ministers, who achieved their base ends with the aid of their hired tools. " A crime of the deepest turpitude," Leoky called it. John Morley said at the close of last year in Scotland • " Englishmen and Scotchmen will next year listen to Irishmen the world over recalling the events of 100 years ago. I would advise you to listen with patience to their language. You must not blame a nation for looking backward, when you will not allow it to look forward." Into that world-wide commemoration Auckland has added its voico. Let us hope that the mighty significance of this universal plaint of a scattered and hunted people will not be lost upon tho-e who foolishly thwart and prevent them from " looking forward." ° The local celebration was initiated by the Irish National Federation last December, and discussed at its meetings up to last May It was wisely decided to call a meeting of those non-members of the Federation who might desire to join in the movement. The meeting at which the Bishop and priests attended was a great success, and j the following committee, to carry out the arrangements of the celebration, was appointed :— Rev. Fathers Kehoe, Croke, and Brodie and Messrs W.Tole, D. Flynn. J. Callnan, James Corbett, J. O'Brien' P. J. Xerheny, Thos. Carty, H. Duffin, James Grace, Jno J Callaghan. F. Moore. J. J. Daly, Mesdames Duffy and Lennards Misses Dennehy, Lorrigan, Regan, Rist (2), and Gough. Hon. sec, M. J, Sheahan. This body met regularly and worked together well and harmoniously. Hence the great success achieved. The com me in oration commenced on Sunday evening in St Patrick's Cathedral, when his Lordship delivered a discourse on the history of li eland, embracing '1)8. On Monday morning at 9 o'clock a Solemn lit ipitrm Mass was celebrated for the repose of the souls of the patriots of "!>S. His Lordship the Bishop attended. Father Kehoe was celebrant ; Very Rev. Dr. Egan, deacon ; Father Buckley, cub-deacon. There were present in the sanctuary Fathers Croke', Brodie, and O'G.illagher. Father Gillan was master of ceremonies.' A large congregation was present. The choir in force under Mr! Hiscocks rendered beautiful and appropriate music. The ceremony was most touching and impressive. Stories of 'D 8 were told to the children during the day by the patriotic Sisters of Mercy at St. Patrick's Convent Schools, the Hist rs wearing the national emblem! In the_ evening at St. Benedict's new and commodious hall the' gathering was held. From the hour of noon the rain began to drizzle and right up to the time of meeting, yet the hall, capable of holding 800, was filled beyond its capacity. Before 7 o'clock crowds stood outside in the rain waiting admission. It took little time to fill the building. His Lordship the Right Rev. Dr. Lenihan, Mgr. Paul, Dr. Eg.i-i, and Rev. Father-, Brodie, Kehoe, O'G alia 'her, and Buckley were present. Father Croke through indisposition was regretfully absent. Rev. Bro. Henry, Superior, and Bros. Borgia, Mar, and Fergus of the Marist Order were also present. THE CHAIRMAN'S ADDRESS. Mr. John Callnan, J.P , vice-president of the Federation, presided, and opciK d the proceedings by saying :—: — We have met here to-night to celebrate a painful episode in the past history of Ireland. There have been many incidents connoc.ted with Ireland in the p.ist that grieve the heart to contemplate, tut none of them create a more intense feeling of sympathy and sorrow than that of '!>S. The men that took an active part on that occasion to free their country from political oppression, were imbued by one of the highest sentiments of human nature— the love of country. The so-called rebellion occurred at a very critical period in the history of Europe. The French Revolution had taken place a few years before, and although it must be confessed that many harrowing atrocities were committed in the name of liberty .mil the people, yet its influence on substquent events was in many \va\s of a bemficial nature. Yet the Irishmen of ''.)X did not require the stimulus of the French Revolution to arouse their patriotic leelings. The cruel hand of the oppressor had already done enough for tha^. Yet it had some influence upon them. Now the question is, although they failed, have the Irish people derivli any practical advantages from the outbreak ! I maintain, without; much fear of contradiction, that many concessions have been subsequently granted that never would have been given were it not from ttar of a repetition of that insurrection. A great deal of odium has been heaped on the men of '!)8, as if there was something singularly atrccious in their conduct and action in bringing it about.

The same class were loud in their denunciation of the American people when they first threw off the yoke of England. Rebels and traitors they were called because they had the temerity to say that no taxation should be imposed on the Ameiican people except they were represented in the Parliament of England. This was refused and a war broke out, and after vicissitudes ended in the Americans gaining their independence. And thus a great empire was built up in the New World, and, I a.n happy to say, has always been an asylum for the Irish race, with no Stigma on her fair name because she once rebelled against the mother country. The lofty motives and aspirations of the American people were worthy of praise, and the man that stood boldly out as their leader, and a price set upon his head as an arch-rebel, is certain to live for all time — while the name of the bigoted king and his ministry who persecuted him shall have sunk into oblivion — as one of the purest and most unselfish paUiutn of ancient or modern times, George Washington, the Cincinatus of America. The men of 'SKS were led on by the same noble impulse that inspired the Americans, and if they had been successful all honour would have been paid to them and paeans of praise expressed for the noble deed accomplished. But it seems it was not to be. Yet there is one consolation left to us still. It is that many noble spirits have since that period persevered in keeping the torch of Irish nationality burning, and I sincerely trust will do so until the end. Now, the question is, were the men of '98 justified in the course they pursued, and are we justified to-day in demanding fresh privileges which we believe would lead to the better government of Ireland ? In connection with this point you must always keep this proposition before your minds : That it is a first principle and inherent in man to be free and have power and influence over his own destiny, whether political or social, of course within reasonable limitations. This being so. and the Irish people being of an ardent temperament, deeply feel the loss of selfgovernment. The question is often put to us by our opponents as to why the Irish people are always in a state of chronic discontent ? Why do they not remain passive, and in the future no doubt concessions would be made to them 1 Now, passiveness may be looked upon as a great virtue, but nothing material has been accomplished by it in the world's history. On the other hand it may be argued that aggressiveness may go too far and be unreasonable in its demands. That may be so. But it does not prove that it is unjust in principle at the time. Now clearly understand me in the position I here take up. The aggressiveness I mean and support is perpetual, and at the same time strong political agitation and no other. Passiveness is but too often the nurse of tyranny and many other evils, because it has a direct tendency to cause those in possession of power and influence to increase it if they possibly can. We have a forcible illustration of this in the abject manner assumed for ages by the Irish people towards those whom they looked upon as social superiors. And it is pleasing to find that the healthy agitation of the last few years, together with superior education, and as a sequence, a wider intelligence, has caused them to assert their manhood and to look upon those socially above them in many cases merely as an accident and not, as they previously believed, with mental and physical attributes superior to their own. The teaching of the last few years has achieved something material in the direction of causing a spirit of independence to spring up, and to throw off that feeling of subserviency which we know is but too often the characteristic of degradatiou. It is difficult to convince those who have had the destinies of the Irish people in their keeping for so long that a new and progressive era is about to dawn upon the world, when I trust the violation of moral rights will not be condoned under the specious pretext of expediency. With the full hope that what we desire will be finally accomplished, we have also the conscious feeling that what we demand is just and reasonable, and if granted we believe would put an end to discontent, that it would consolidate and strengthen the unity of the Empire, and bury for ever the enmity of the two races. However that may be, I hope the patriotic feelings which have hitherto reared the Irish race, not to forget the traditions of the past, will continue to operate until such time as what we demand is consummated, and for which the noble men of 'its laid down their lives — the political emancipation of Ireland. (The speaker, who was frequently interrupted by warm applause, resumed his seat amidst cheers.) Then followed Dr. Lenihan's speech. DR. LL'NIUAiTS ADDRESS. His Lordship Right Rev. Dr. Lenihan, who was greeted with round after round of applause by the whole audience, said : With pride I stand hero to-night a grandson of one who fell in glorious '1)8 (applause). The vast assemblage gathered here in the face of Mich bad weather is a proof of your earnestness in the cause of Ireland, and particularly that period in her history which we tonight commemorate, namely, that of 17 ( .t8. Ireland in the fifth century was the "Island of learned men," while Europe was en-laved by the Goths and Huns. Thousands entered the monasteries in order to preserve the light of literature and religion. Ireland was the seminary of Europe. No less than eight nations owe their faith to Ireland. Then followed the worst page of Iri^h history — not a page but a book of national woe. Irish division?!, royal rivalship, and want of trust betrayed Ireland into the hands of England. McMurrogh invoked successfully the aid of Henry, and then were forged the chains which we have been dragging from that hour to thi -. Then were formed fetters and manacles lasting until to-day. Henry came over to enjoy his triumph. Our country, weak and divided fell an easy prey. John, a bad Catholic (the wor>t of 4U types of humanity) succeeded (loud applause). We come to the enal laws in 1.>58 when no Catholic could occupy more than oo n e acre of arable land, and half an acre of bog. A price was set upon the head of every priest. The cruelties of Cromwell followed, when young men's brains were dashed out against walls, and babies hurled into the air and caught upon pikes. William and Mary's reign treated Ireland equally badly. In the reign of the Georges we

were promised many refoims which, when given, were shams and mockeries. In the great famina two and a-half millions of our people perished, and scattered, but wherever we go we preserve the nationality and the union of our race. There are those whose hearts melt in pity or burn with lindignation at the recital of Ireland's wrongs. In the days preceding '98 we read of the pitchcap, the triangle, the blazing cabm, the hanging by the lamp-post, the shooting on the highways, the perjured juror, the bloodthirsty judge, the " Walking Gallows." These things are not now, and with the blessing of heaven they shall not be. Think of the outrages to women. There is not. we firmly believe, in the whole world another nation in which woman's chastity is in greater honour, and the slightest stain on her virtue a deeper infamy. The poor peasant will bear with re-ignation the loss of his worldly goods, the pressure of extreme poverty, the desertion of friends, the death of his nearest and dearest, but the dishonour of his daughter he cannot bear. We have seen the old man, who had enjoyed better days, cheerful. though lonely, ani poor, and naked, and hungry, and stricken with disease, but we have seen a daughter's shame at once break that heart, which all the world could not break, and bring down his grey hairs in sorrow to the grave. God and his holy angels alone know how much of heroic virtue dwells under a rude and lowly exterior, so often made the butt of the jester's buffoonery and the philosopher's sneer. The Union was forced upon the people, they neither desired it, nor consented to it, nor sanctioned it. It was brought I about by most wicked men, and most wicked means, for most wicked purposes by perjury, by false promises, and enormous bribery, by creating, and then fomenting rebellion, by persecutions, threatened and inflicted, by the substitution of court-martial for courts of law. by hanging and shooting, and house-burning, and house-breaking 1 , in a word, by all sorts of crimes against all sorts of laws natural, divine, and human. I add that the prosperity of Ireland has declined since the Union ; and in consequence of the Union her ports are deserted, her manufactories in ruins, her custom-house dwindled into a heap of empty lumber rooms, her palaces into lodging houses, her merchants into pedlars, her tradesmen into paupers, her farmers into day labourer.", and all things decayed from good to bad and from bad to worse. These are facts and premises undeniable and undenied. We would not like to draw a conclusion from them, but if there be truth in the Decalogue — and if it be here true that a robber cannot retain his plunder, and if it be true man on earth is bound to justice, and there is a God in Heaven to punish the wicked and reward the good, the consequence must be that before the judgment seat of the Almighty such wrorgs of such oppressed will be righted and the unrepentant authors of these wrongs will be cast into the abode of the damned. The Bishop at the conclusion of the address was most vociferously applauded. MR. WHITTAKER'S SPEECH. Mr. William Whittaker said that there was no one had a greater respect for law and order than he had. That law was necessary to the existence of all society, was so obvious as not to need even a passing reference. Without law and order even the peace of that meeting that night might be disturbed, and all liberty made precarious. The first thing men did when thrown together, whether in few or large numbers, was to make laws for their guidance. But that order should be good. Laws must not be bad. The speaker then went on to say that while most natural laws were beneficent in their results, there was behind others something of a destructive nature, some inscrutable design whose depths we could not fathom. There was a law that said a " worm may crawl at eve upon the public path,"— the weakest and least offensive thing that moved— but there was another law that taught it to turn, taught it to oppose a fierce, if hopeless, attack against the foot that crushes it, and such, he took it, was the principle that underlay and precipitated the insurrection of 1 70 S. MR. DARCY CONNOLLY'S SPEECH. Mr. John Darcy Connolly, ex-U.S. Consul, Auckland, upon rising, was vociferously cheered, being recognised as no new friend to Ireland, for ever since his advent to Auckland he has identified himself with every Irish gathering. Mr. Connolly said : — I am, indeed, pleased to see so many men and women present who are neither ashamed nor afraid of '1)8. Irishmen have nothing to bo ashamed of, and still less to fear. To celebrate the centenary of 1 71)8 is a duty which Irish men and women throughout the world are called upon to faithfully discharge. Some may question the propriety and wisdom of these mournful celebrations, and, no doubt, a few of the more faint-hearted ones will not assist. But be this as it may, the vast majority of Irishmen are as patriotic today as ever they were. No man can be successfully placed upon his defence before the bar of public opinion for taking part in these commemorative gatherings. To participate in this sad and exceedingly pathetic assemblage involves no impeaohment, no disloyalty or other moral or political delinquency of character on the part of those who may in any way contribute toward perpetuating the memory of those brave men whose innate love of right, justice, and liberty caused them to sacrifice their lives upon the altar of their country. If we are to credit impartial historians (and there is no need why we .should not), then there are no men in history who de-erve the encomiums, honour, and reverence of posterity more than the men of 'its. We do not come here to-night to rejoice over their achievements, for, alas, their eiTurts resulted in ruinous failure and disaster, but we do come here with bowed heads and sorrowing hearts to lay a tribute of respect upon the grave of those who perished in a righteous cause. The men of '!IS with heroic devotion went out with unarmed and undisciplined forces to meet overwhelming odds, and laid down their lives for the freedom of their country, and the honour and sanctity of their outraged homes. More than this no men could do, and less than this would be dishonour. There is no blacker page in all the dark story of Irish history than that of '98. Torrents of innocent human blood were shed only to enrich the hill sides and valleys of Erin and mingle with its kin-

dred earth. Oh I what a piteous sight to see the brutalities and crimes perpetrated by an enlightened Christian nation against another—the wanton slaughter and torture of innocent youth and helpless oJd age ! To read the dreadful story would sicken the stoutest heart and fill it with disgust. Neither age nor sex nor acknowledged innocence of any crime or guilt was sufficient even for a brief moment to excite clemency or mercy' in the hearts of those ruthless and sanguinary destroyers. No people ever groaned beneath the weight of so much concentrated infamy and cruelty at the hands of a civilised government. The virtuous peasant women, old and youn«-, were outraged day by day. The men torn from their homes and cast into prison, their houses burned, and their property destroyed, then frequently flogged and tortured by picketings, the cruel pitch-cap, and death. And all this without warrant or authority of law, without examination or trial by judge or jury— without any justification beneath heaven's blue vault except the vicio'as caprice of a false and ever accursed and infamous yeomanry. The ercesso of the soldiery and yeomanry, the remorseless and relentless cruelties perpetrated upon the people by, and with the donsent and connivance of the authorities, enlisted the tenderest of human sympathies and filled with indignation and. horror the heart of every man with a sense of justice and a feeling for humanity in his breast. All these dreadful enormities and inhumanities against life, liberty, honour, and virtue, and all that men hold dear were deliberately entered rpon with a fiendish determination to excite and goad the people into premature rebellion against the constituted authorities, and thus afford the unprincipled instigators of those unequalled wrongs an opportunity of executing their well-matured plans— plans which aimed at nothing less than the extinction of the Irsh Parliament. How well the arch-schemers— Pitt and Castlereagh— succeeded we ail know too well. With the destruction of the Paririir ent the light of Irish liberty expired nor will it, in my opinion, be re-e*ilcindled till those who prefer the rule of the stranger realise the folly of their way. .Looking at the situation now in the light of hi>tory, removed as it is mto the cool shade of a hurdred years, I feel that no man with a sense of justice and a knowledge of the sto-y of 1793 and tne sad consequences that followed, Will say that the people of Ireland were not justified in putting forth every human effort in their power to cast off a yoke so galling, so cruel, ard intolerable, laking this view of it (a view which is based upon the facts of history) we too are amply justified by all there is good and trre in our nature to meet here to-night to show, even in a small degree, our honest appreciation of the nobility of soul and character that possessed those brave spirits who fought and died for Ireland's wrongs in 1798. All we can say of them to-day is " Peace to their ashes ! God let them rest ! Their hearts were as true as their cause it was just."

But out of the gloom and sadness which surround the history of those times, there is one gleam of light, which, like a gentle sunbeam, warms and brightens our dreary pathway. It is the noble and patriotic conduct of a portion of the Protestant population in the cause of liberty and justice. All honour, I say, to the Presbyterians of Ireland, who so generously espoused their country's cause ihey led the van m nearly every instance, and perished with their honoured compatriots fighting ior liberty. For this one act alone their memory will ever be cherished by Irishmen while thero is one left to tell the story of '1/8. Would to God the other denominations had acted as faithfully. Had they clone so, then, indeed, had Ireland s troubles been long since over. But it is not our purpose to dwell upon the wretched past but upon the brighter and more pleasing aspect of the present and the iuture. I ieel certain I voice the sentiments of Irishmen everywre a when I say it is their desire to forget and forgive the pabt ard build upon its ruined walls a structure of modern design— o>ie tha.; shall be in keeping with the spirit and civilisation of to-day one that shall be as pleasing to the heart as it shall be to the eye— a structure that shall be affectionately dedicated to the promotion of peace and unity between Saxon and Celt— a union that must bring happiness and contentment to both. The Irish peoole would ever live in peace and concord with England, and would ever defend her flag on land and sea as they have always done if England would only restore Ireland's long-lost liberty. That liberty which was not lost by conquest, but was filched from her through gross fraud, bribery, corruption, and persecution lam aware this is strong language, but no language at my command could adequately express my detestation of the men and measures adopted to rob Ireland of her birthright. Whatever glory attaches to the English flag, the distant possessions which to-day belong to the British Crown, and the liberty these possessions enjoy are due as much to Irish grip and valour as to any other cause. The Irish have been brave, loyal, and faithful soldiers whether on sea or land. They have successfully fought all battles but their own. And now to-day, when Ireland asks for the extension of that liberty to her which the life blood of her sons have purchased for other subjects of the British Crown, her people are denounced as traitors and as being unworthy and unfitted for the enjoy mont of such privileges. The accusations are as false as Heaven "is true they are as false as are the hearts of those who utter such sentiments. There is no element of disloyalty or dishonour in askiuo for that which in the sight of God aud man ia legally and morally due, and if refused it is only natural that men. should resort to such legal means as may be available to enforce their just demands. The people of Ireland have done no more, and, as men, they could do no less. Though the men o'i "J8 lost 50 000 souls, yet the sacrifices made were cheap had they lost ten thousand times as many had they succeeded in purchasing the liberty of their country. But experience has long sines taught all reflecting minds that a resort to physical force is a useless weapon wherewith to secure the liberties of Ireland. If ever Ireland's wrongs are rio-hted it will be through the agency of a higher and mightier powfi^-the resistless pow.er of an enlightened public sentiment. Moral suasion and ceaseless effort, couple! with consistent conduct, are worth far more than Gatling guns, but unanimity of sentiment and purpose

among the Irish people themselves is worth more than all And it is nay firm belief: that till Irishmen of every denomination aud creed reanse that Ireland is their country, ana not the other man's— until they sink their senseless differences and present an united and unbroken host— their claims shall never be recognised. It is. indeed, lamentable that in an age of progress like this, there should stall be irreconcilable elements in a matter where the very Me and happiness of their common country is concerned It i!s> however, gratifying to note that there are abundant evidences on every bido that tne animosities of the past are rapidly disappearing 1 giving place to a mutual admiration of one another's virtues and equal toleration of each other's faults. Personally, I fully entertain the hope that, ere long-, isonh and South. East and West will stand united. It is an old saying that "the darkest hour is that before the dawn. 1 hough Ireland's hopes are to day en wrapt in gloom and m doubt, yet 1 believe succour is near at hand. Should the growing sentiment which is so manifest to-day between England and the United States result in a better understanding— which may ultimately terminate ia a definite alliance— not only Ireland but all mankind would profit by b uch a happy consummation. Then England s contention that the recognition of Ireland's demands would weaken her (England's) prestige in Europe, besides being a menace to the cousolidation of the Empire, would be no longer tenable. With the moral and physical strength of the United States behind England, no power or combination of powers could successfully assail her. For buch a union none would fight more bravely than Irishman, but without a full and fair recognition of Ireland's rights there can be no enduring or profitable Anglo-American Union. But with Irish liberty and justice once more enthroned in College Green, and the green flag of Erin beneath the protectingfolds of the Union Jack and the Stars and Stripes, together they shall bear the stress and storm of battles, would go marchino- on hand in hand, fighting only for peace and prograss, God & and humanity.

Whilst we are devoting- this evening to the memory of the illustrious dead we would, indeed, be forgetful and ungrateful did we not on this most appropriate occasion pay a loving tribute to the memory of the greatest statesman this century has produced— of him who sacrificed power, personal and political friends, that he might do Ireland justice. His name is inseparably associated with the history of Ireland, a name that shall never be forgotten while there remains a lover of liberty in that unhappy land ; a man whose name shall be indelibly impressed upon the forehead of the generations yet to come for his earnest and fearless advocacy of the rights and liberties of the oppressed of every land and clime ; one whose honoured name extends to the uttermost bounds of human habitation ; a man who, when once convinced in his convictions, was stron°resolute, steadfast, and unchangeable ; one whose genius has enriched the statemanship of England, and chastened it through the unconscious agency of his stainless Christian life and character which he has left as an imperishable endownment to his countrymen. The death of W. E. Gladstone is not only a national loss but a distinct and irreparable loss to all mankind. (The speaker was warmly applauded during the course of his speech, and resumed his teat amidst much cheering.) MUSICAL PROGRAMME, ETC. In addition to the foregoing addresses, the following 1 appreciative programme was rendered :— -Selection, " Irish melodies," tastefully given by an orchestra under the command of Mr P I<" Hiscocks. Chorus, « O'Donnell Aboo," by the pupils of the Marist Brothers, ihe little fellows seemed to feel the importance of the occasion, and sang the well-known air with great enthusiasm which was caught up at once by the gieat crowd in the hall. Quartette ■• Let Erin remember" (this item at the request of the Bishop, with whom it is a great favourite) 1 Mrs. Hiscocks, Miss A. Lorrigan, Eev. Fathur Kehoe, and Mr. Thomas Lonergan. This was pleasingly pprf orrned. " Kathleen mavourneen," by Miss Coleta Lorrigan who fully sustained her deservedly high reputation as one of our leadin<* vocalists. Recitation, " Wao fears to speak." Mr. James Montao-ue Owing to persistent applause in appreciation of this the chairman had to relax his determination not to allow encores. Mr. Montague gave an extract from one of Shiel's celebrated speeches. "Dear harp of my country," Miss Annie Lorrigan, who subsequently took ihe place of Mr. P. Darby, who had to leave for the South that morning, and sang with such effect the " VVearin' o' the green " that the audience demanded a repetition, which was accorded? Miss Lorrigan possesses the finest soprano in Auckland, and into this song she put her whole soul. Father Kehoe next san°- "The meaiory of the dead," with chorus by the company. The popular Parnell pamh priest was loudly cheered for his fine contribution ■' She is f,u- from the land," which has reference to Robert Emmet's broken-hearted Sarah Curran, was given by Miss Maud Donovan with her usual success. '• Come back to Erin," by Mr A. Murphy was sung with admirable taste. In the violin solo, '-Harp that once,' with orchestral accompaniment, Master Carter gave | promise of future success. The programme concluded with a solo I and chorus, " God Bare Ireland," by the company, in which the audience, who rose to their feet and stood the whole time heartily joined. At its conclusion three hearty cheers were given for '9B and the people dispersed, all agreeing that it was a " o- re at day entirely for Ireland." The accompaniments were exquisitely i played by the Rev. Father Kehoe and Miss Ormond

Ihe hall was nicely decorated, thanks to the exertions of Messrs. J. J. Daly. J. J. A. Callaghan, and Thos. Carty. who worked willingly and assiduously to this end. Over the stage, in larjre green letters, was printed, '• Who fears to speak of '98 ? " On taL right were the names Father Murphy and Lord Edward Fitzgerald ' On the loft Wollo Tone and Robert Emmet. On either side of the stage were the flags of Ireland and France. The walls were draped from end to end with the tricolour, in memory of French assistance in '<JB. Over the main entrance floated the Stars and Stripes Ihe whole presented a gay and animated appearance, adding much to the effect.

The whole proceeding's from beginning to end wore a credit to all concerned, a credit alike to the committee and the sons and daughters of dear old Ireland in Auckland. There is no fear in v i e . w T of , the , se manifestations, of the ultimate triumph of the cause of •' Ireland a Nation."

This article text was automatically generated and may include errors. View the full page to see article in its original form.
Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZT18980617.2.4

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXVI, Issue 7, 17 June 1898, Page 2

Word Count
5,501

'98 CELEBRATION IN AUCKLAND. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXVI, Issue 7, 17 June 1898, Page 2

'98 CELEBRATION IN AUCKLAND. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXVI, Issue 7, 17 June 1898, Page 2