Labour Notes.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XX, Issue 50, 30 September 1892, Page 2

Labour Notes.

The troubles in the Cesar d'Alene Canyon, Idaho, were also caused by an attempt against unionism. It was determined to work the Gem and Frisco mines by free labour. A shot fired at a union man by one of the non-unionist guard led to ao attack by the men locked out— with very deplorable results. On the trial of the men charged with participation in the riot some details hare come out which teem to show that some members of the Pinkerton force had been employed under the disguise of miners in fomenting the disturbance. A revelation of this kind should go far towards bringing about the disband* ment of the force— already demanded in many quarters. . An attempt to evade the law by the immigration of steel and iron workers, under contract to replace the strikers at Carnegie's has been suspected. In consequence, the President of the American Federation of Labour has made an offer to the Secretary of the Treasury to supplement the Government officials on guard at Ellis Island by volunteer inspectors belonging to his organisation. The offir has been favourably considered by the Treasurer, Mr L. S. Coffin, ex-railroad commissioner of lowa, in a letttr referring to the careful reports published by the Washington Pott of the state of things at Homestead, gives that paper some details as to the conditions of service on the railways. Six railway servants on an average, he states, are killed every day, and sixty-five others meet with accidents more or less severe, and yet at least fifty per cent of all this could be easily prevented. The railway men, however, are themselves stirring in the matter. Meetings have been held by them in certain centres for the purpose of taking stepß to improve their position. The granite cutters' strike in New England, which began on a dispute as to altering the day of fixing wages from May 1 to January 1, still continues. It has involved 60,000 men, at an expenditure by the unions of 300,000 dols , and a lobb in wages to the men of 5,000,000 dols. A useful outcome has been the establishment by the cutters of several co-operative companies which are doing a nourishing trade. This has probably helped the strike to avoid the fate of that of the builders in New York, involving 30,000 men, and which has broken down of its own weight. Apropos of the strike at Homestead, Mr George A, Chace, of the Bourne Mills, Fall River, Massachusetts, has contributed 'to the Pittsburg Despatch an article on an experiment in profit-sharing entered upon in July 1889 by the director* of a New England cotton mill. The Irish World quotes the article as follows :— " A sum, not less than 6 per cent of the dividends, to be paid during the next six months, should be divided among the employees at the end of that period in proportion to the amount of wages earned. It is estimated that this would give each employee a 9um equal to the interest upon the full amonnt of bis wages if placed for six months in a savings bank. Everyone, whether man, woman, or child, was given the chance to share upon the single condition of faithful' and continuous service for six months." As to how the plan worked, he goes on to say — " There are about forty competing cotton corporations clustered in the same town with a combined capital of about 22,000.000 dols. The average rate of dividends in 1889 was reported to be within two points of 10 per cent. In 1891 it averaged considerably less than five per cent., and eight or ten of the corporations paid no dividend at all. The wave of prosperity crested in 1889 and was followed by a very low tide in 1891. But the directors keep up their original undertaking. They act upon it every six months. This they have done already seven times. They make no promise beyond thac time. Whatever may happen in the future, it is assured that none of the evils predicted three years ago have yet come to pass. Nothing bas occurred to disturb the relations of any other

corporation with its employees on account of this experiment. Thus far the experiment has been successful beyend expectation. During the lowest ebb tbe profit-sharing corporation paid its stockholders regularly 12 per oent per annum, besides distributing to its employees semi-annually orer 3 per cent npon their wages. Nothing succeeds like success." A riot consequent on the arrival of " blacklegs," but which has evidently been much exaggerated by report, took piaca at Broken Hill on the night of September 9— or rather the early morning of September 10— for it was between 1 and 2 a.m. that tbe train on which tbe attack was made came in. The " blacklegs " had been interviewed at an ontlying station by delegates of tbe Defence Committee, by whom they were disoerned to be professional bandsready to be bought off, but demanding too high a price. A crowd bad oollected to receive the train, and a good deal of stone-throwiog took place. It is, however, donbtful as to whether revolvers were brought into use, or, in fact, were in tbe possession of any of tbe strikers present. Two or three of the " blacklegs " were slightly hurt, and eight of the policemen suffered more or less— one only being seriously iojnred. The crowd had no ill feeling towards the police. It watched for an hour or two for the " blacklegs " to come out— but they were; conveyed secretly from the back of the Town Hall, where they had been taken for shelter, to the mine— and, finding this to be the case, the strikers dispersed. In a labour demonstration held at Sydney on the night of the 20th inst, the Socialists were much in evidence, and their red flags were very prominent. Certainly these gentry will make bay when the sun shines. Fostering beams must necessarily exist for them when there is a disposition shown to bring force into play in dealing with a labour question, rather than to exercise wisdom, moderation, and justice. The Ministry of New South Wales seem now more bent on gaining a Parliamentary victory over the representatives of labour than on attending to the interests of the country. Snch victories may eventually prove in some degree Pyrrhic. The Irish World in an article on the settlement of labour disputes by arbitration, points out that where a willingness to arbitrate exists on both sides there is rarely much difficulty in arriving at an agreement :— " It is where such a willingness to arbitrate does not exist," he says, — " employer and employee meet as antagonists in a struggle for supremacy rather than as equals in a business transaction — where candour and courtesy are absent ; where tbe public interests are ignored and only selfish interests considered. This is where there is imminent danger of tbe State being oompelled to interfere for tbe restoration of order after blood has been shed and lifelong enmities have been called into being. The question for the people to consider at this time is whether it be for tbe pnblic goodi which should be the supreme law, that the interference be postponed nntil after the mischief bad been dona, tbe blood spilled, and those lasting enmities aroused. It is no step toward the ultimate solution of this grave problem, though it may be entirely necessary for the vindication of existing law, for tbe contestants in those troubles to lodge charges and counter-charges of murder and riot against each other, and to order judicial inquiry to find out who first appealed to armed force, by what right they did so, who fired tbe first shotß, whether such shots were fired in aggression or self-defence, etc. Those issues must be fought out io tbe courts by the contestants. What is needed in the way of prevention of sneb disasters in the future is a calm and earnest discussion by the people as to the proper moment and method of the State's interference. Shall it be after the mischief has been done or before 1 6ball it be with armies, Gatling guns, and cannon, or with a just, impartial, and peaceful civil tribunal invested with Adequate authority to interpose between excited disputants where the public peace is threatened and point out the way to reconciliation and harmony." Mr J. D. Fitzgerald, a leading member of the labour party of New South Wales has recently returned from a visit to EnglandIn an interview with a representative of the Adelaide Register, he expressed himself as follows regarding the late elections and the prospects of labonr at Home :—": — " I assisted five labour candidates in their attempts to gain seats, and of these three were successful. Tbe three who were returned wer* Mr John Burns, one of the labour leaders, Mr Eeir Hardie, and Mr J. H. Wilson, the sailors' friend. Ex-Commissioner Frank Smith and Mr Ben Tillett were not returned. Thau I also supported tbe candidature of Professor Bryce, of Aberdeen, who is now a member of the Government. One of our opponents was Mr H. H. Champion." Mr Fitzgerald said that the struggle just passed was " a mere writing on the wall." He looks forward with hope to the next elections, as he predicts that tbe labour party in England will then score a tremendous victory, because they will force the bands of tbe Liberal party. In many oases labour had to fight both Liberals and Conservatives, and it is on this account that he considers that Mr Wilson's victory was a splendid one. ' I addressed six meetings on his behalf, and urged the constituents to

■elect him before they did to.' Mr Fitzgerald does not consider that the laboar party is very strongly organised, though steps will do doubt bs taken in that direction. They have always looked to the Liberals, bat he thinks that the construction of the Gladstone Ministry will show that there in no hope from them/ In a paper read by the Rev Father Smith at a Conference of the Catholic Young Men's Societies of Great Britain lately held in Edinburgh, the following passages, as reported by the Glasgow Observer, occurred :— •• Men are being constantly underbid in their work by others more necessitous than themselves, and, seeing their wages in constant danger of being reduced, club together in self-defence and form onions, which, as is now generally admitted, are perfectly justifiable. These unions have only one effective weapon— the strike. This was the only means at the disposal of the men for the achievement of the purpose they desire, seeing that there is no authorised tribnnal to which they can have recourse, aod seeing that strikes are profitable it is always, of course, with the understanding that the demands of the men are just and reasonable. Violent strikes are always to be condemned, both as being wrong in themselves and as injuring the cause they are intended to benefit. Violence towards wh*t we call blacklegs is tv be condemned. Parliamentary reports show that the greater number of strikes were unsuccessful. Yet it had to be considered as a whole they have been beneficial to the working classes, and have permanently raised their wages and bettered their condition. If it hadn't been for strikes and the fear of strikes working men would be worse off still. They are great evils. War might be unavoidable and beneficial, but it was an evil still. On the side of the matters it had to be Btated that strikes have had the effect of destroying trade altogether. Mr Davitt, in the Labour World, had given it as his opinion that they were being overdone. Regarding boards of conciliation, the great question was that of remuneration. On this point the principle must be adopted that every man has the right to such a wage as will enable him to live decently. The encyclical of the Holy Father having been quoted, the paper went on to state that capital at present received tbe lion's share of the spoil, and labour the bare pickings. Labour might justly ask fairer division, but nntil something was done to lessen the evils arising from free competition in its tendency to lower the rate of wages they coald not hope for freedom from strikes."