LORD SALISBURY ON IRELAND.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XX, Issue 37, 1 July 1892, Page 23

LORD SALISBURY ON IRELAND.

The Prime Minister, addressing a Primrose meeting in London on Friday May 6, spoke as follows : — They were dealing with a proposal for organic change which would rend the United Kingdom in sunder, place a hostile island on our flank , and subject to infinite damage and disgraceful abandonment those who in Ireland had ever fought for their cause (cheers'). Those were issues which concerned the future of the Empire and its present honour. The conflict between classes was shutting out from men's view the great issue of the integrity of the Empire. In other countries if a great organic change was proposed there was always some means of ascertaining whether the nation was willing that the fundamental alteration should take place (hear, hear). It was not 90 in this country. Elections took place on several issues mixed up. Some people would vote for disestablishment, some on the Eight Hours Bill, and some on the integrity of the empire, and there were no means of distinguishing between their verdicts. It was often said that they were appealiog to the verdict of the country ; but could they imagine three trials taking place at once before the same jury, a trial for murder, a trial for libel, and a trial for a patent case, the jury only being allowed to say yes or no in one verdict, and that that verdict was to affect all the three cases (laughter and cheers) 7 That was exactly the process by which the verdict was to be pronounced upon the organic institutions of this country. He did not say it would be a final verdict. He had been taken to task because be had indicated that there were other parts of the constitution which might in certain contingencies be called into action (cheers), but though he hoped and believed that any such possibility was far distant, he thought the strange anomalous condition of things by which they could not ask a plain question to those who had to decide their destinies thoroughly justified the precaution which the constitution had happily taken against hasty or subvenive decisions (cheers). Six years ago, before the last dissolution, when the Conservatives were in opposition, they were pretty well agreed that two things were neceisary for the pacification of Ireland. One was a generous and enlightened consideration of her material wants, giving those openings to industry which might restore prosperity to the 6tricken portion of her population (cheers). The other was a firm, impartial, continuous administration of the law so that industrious men might know that their industry might be protected, and that they might safely invest their labour and money in the works of peace (cheers). After six years they asked wbetber their promises had not been fulfilled (cheers). The measures that had been taken for opening up and relieving the distressed districts of Ireland were, by consent of all, broad, liberal, and effective. The administration of the law had been co impartial and steady that the spirit of disorder had cowered before the spirit of law, and peace was now so restored to Ireland that the crime of boycotting simply . did not exist (cheers). These measures had so completely effected their object that people thought that no further percautions were necessary ; but unfortunately there were men who were resolved to undo that work, and place the spirit of lawlessness above the spirit of law (shame). They had, undoubtedly, a serious battle to fight. Mr Parnell, their most formidable opponent, had been removed, and since then Ireland seemed to resemble very much the conflicts between a portion of that country Bnd of this island, which had unhappily existed for many generations past. On. the other hand, the opinion of the loyalists was unabated and unchanged, and all the hopes that were held out to them that the result of bringing the present Opposition into power might be the disestablishment of the English Church, were not sufficient to reconcile them to a change that would be a change from a condition of security and peace to a condition of constant danger and peril (cheers). Had Ulster changed ? On the contrary, the conviction of its danger appeared to increase every year, and he knew no symptom more menacing than the opinion which had lately been put forward by the Ulster leaderß apparently with full sincerity and full conviction of the responsibility which they involved. Mr Morley asked what did they dread — the thumbscrews and the rack ? They dreaded being put under tho foot of their hereditary and irreconcilable enemies (cheers). He had been accused because he held thia opinion of attacking the Boman Catholic religion. Nothing was further from his intention (cheers), and be never used a word which could fairly be twisted to that sense (cheers). He utterly declined to recognise the inhabitants of the sou'h-eastern portion of Ireland as typical members of the Boman Catholic Church (cheers), and he was justified in saying po, because the head of the Roman Catholic Churci hand strongly condemned the immoral agencies by which the agitators of Ireland had striven to Bucceed (cheers). He (Lord

Salisbury) had condemned, and he would always condemn those who, holding high spiritual authority, used their weapons for purely iecular objects ia which no spiritual concerns existed (cheers). Men who did that inflicted a dangerous wound upon civil society aod fastened a profound stain upon the spiritual weapons which they used (cheers). What the Ulster people had to dread was being put under the despotism of their foes. It must be remembered that everything that Ulstermen held dear wnuld be in the hands of Dr Walsh and his political friends. All the wealth which they had produced, all their commerce, all their flourishing agriculture, all the circumstances which distinguished them from the rest of Ireland would be at the mercy of the majority over whom no check would exist. Was not that a tenible fate to which to condemn any mtn? Was not that a terrible reward for that fidelity to British connections which these men above all had exhibited (cheers). That was not merely a speculative matter. The Ulster people knew the fate that was in store for them, and they had made up their minda to meet it. He had beard many bitter and seTere things said of them because they did not show unlimited submission to the possible determination of some future Parliament on this subject' He had been very much edified at the doctrine of passive obedience which had flowed so freely from the orthodox Liberal lips. He was a Tory (loud cheers), but still he could not accept in all their width these doctrines of unrestricted passive obedience. He believed that the title of kings and parliaments to the obedience of theii subjects was that those kings and parliaments should observe the fundamental laws and the fundamental understandings of the com. pact by which they ruled (hear, hear). Parliament had the right to govern the people of Ulster, but it had no right to sail them into slavery (loud cheers). He did not believe in the unrestricted power of parliaments any more than he did in the unrestricted power of kings. James 11. stepped outside the limits of the Bpirit of the constitution, and they knew how the people of Ulster met him. If a similar abuse of power on the part of a parliament or a king should ever occur at any fnture time he did not believe the people of Ulster had lost their sturdy love of freedom or their detestation of arbitrary power. Whether the Ulstermen would choose to put themselves against the rest of Ireland, whether if they did so they would succeed was a matter for their consideration, but he could not help seeing in the language of those who heralded lbat approaching change a belief that the military force of England would be employed to subject the people of Ulster to Dr Walsh and his political friends. Political prophecy was always uncertain, but he thought he might venture to prophecy that any attempt on the part of any Government to perpetuate such an outrage as this would rend our society in two. But those were epeculations. What a terrible picture the fact that they had to enter into those considerations at all unfolded ; a terrible division in the Empire that had hitherto presented such a united front to the world . They called it a message of peace to Ireland. It wai a message.of religious civil war, and they must look at their share in the matter, and see how far they were responsible for that civil war being brought about. Mr Morley told them that he laughed at the idea that the British electorate might be effected by such fears. He might be right, but he (Lord Salisbury) was quite sure that unless the members of the Primrose League exerted themselves to prevent that hideous picture becoming a reality they would bring about a result which would not secure Home Rule to Ireland — many, many years of conflict would have to pass before that could be the case but they would bring about a state of things which would destroy the credit and enfeeble the power of England in every quartew of the world (loud cheers during which the noble lord resumed his seat). Sir William Harcourt, speaking at Bristol on May 10, made this reply :— Within the last few days the Prime Minister of England has had the opportunity of placing before the people of the United Kingdom the policy upon which he means to appeal to the nation. What is there in the speech 1 There is one single topic, one simple watchword, and it is this— let Ulster rebel (shame). What a statesman, what a policy, what a party, what a future for Ireland of misery, and for England a disgrace 1 Lord Salisbury's is a Tory policy. It is the watchword of religious bigotry (hear, hear), of class combinaion, of exclusive privileges (hear, hear), of race hatred, and of ins»lent ascendency (applause). This policy is conceived in the spirit which for generations has been the curse of Ireland and the shame of England (cheers). It is the language and the policy which has made British rule naturally odious and justly offensive to the greit majority of the Irish people (cheers), It is a policy of everlasting strife proclaimed to th 3 subjects of the Queen by a man who calls himself the Minister of an untied empire (cheers). Let me a«=k whst is this Uls'er that is invited to rebel against what is assumed to be h the future the will of the Queen, Lords, and Commons of the uni ed Parliament. First of all, if you take all Ulster properly co calfed there is a Nationalist majority in Ulster (cheers). The maority of the Ulster representatives is on the Nationalist side, but thepopulation that the Primo Minister desires to incite to insurrectioi is comprised in a Btnall fraction of Ulster — the north-east corner of Ulster, containing no doubt a large population in the great city of Belast. Lord Salisbury attacks the Catholics of the south. Has he

never read the names famous in the story of the rebellion of the Proteatanta of the north ? Has be never heard of Wolfe Tone, Napper Tandy, and Emmet, Lord Edward Fimgeraid, and Arthur O'Connor. Tbeee men were all Protestants. They were not the Catholics whom Lord Saliabnry denounced (cheers). Let me read just a sentence from Mr Lecky, the great Unionist writer. He is quoting from what waa said by the Duk« of Portland, the Unionist Minister in those days, on tbe ere of the rebellion of '98. The Dnke of Portland said—" He waa much atrock with the fact that Proteatant Ulster was the moet disaffected of the four provinces; that five-sixths of the leaders and United Irishmen were Proteatanta ; that Munster, though now profoundly diaturbed, had ehown itself perfectly loyal during the French expedition at tbe cod of 1796, that Oonnaught, the most purely Catholic province in Ireland, waa tbe one pro»ince which waa atill almoat untainted" (cheers). That is tbe history of the relative conduct of the Catholica and Protestants in Ireland before the Union. I have asked what this Ulster is that is invited to fight. I will now ask what it ia proposed that they ahonld fight for ? Lord Salisbury says that it is to fight in order that they may not be sold into slavery (langhter), and put ondertbefeetof their hereditaryand irreconcilable enemiei (laughter) — hereditary enemies, he aays, not only from leligion, but from race« That ia Lord Salisbury's statesmanlike description of the condition of the Irian people ; and yet he tells us tbat the condition of Ireland under hia rule haa been wholly satisfactory (hear, hear, and laughter) What ia the meaning of all these wild and whirling words, « sold into slavery ?•• What is it that ia proposed ? What we propose is that the majority of the people of Ireland shall have that voice in the conduct of their own affairs that we have (cheers). Are the minority of people in England, therefore, sold into slavery f (laughter and ••No.") What is this spirit in Ulster to which the Prime Minister i appeals? It is the hateful outcome of what used to be called Protestant ascendency. Talk of selling people into slavery-why, for generations, I might say for centuries, the minority in Ireland have had under their heela the majority of tbe Irish people. Every office, every place of authority, every institution, the whole power of the state, haa been in the bands of that minority, and so employed to ciush and to destroy these whom they regarded as thsir hereditary enemies. The laws made were of the most cruel description. Look at what Ireland was aod the majority of the Irish people in the last j century. I think it would not be an exaggerated phrase to say that they were sold into slavery. The penal laws have been repealed, due to that immortal man who once represented Bristol— l mean Edmund Burke (applause). The savage ferocity of the asoendeacy party has been restrained, but the spirit of ascendancy still remains. They regard the Catholic majority of their countrymen very much as the Southern planter regards the people of dark blood. Lord Salisbury —he is very consistent— once compared them with Hottentots. They insist that they and they alone shall rule the roost. Tbis ia their idea, that they are, and tbat they ought to be, in virtue of their religion, and in virtue of their race, the masters of Ireland. No doubt the Ulster people think that Home Rule may jeopardise their ascendency. I daresay it will (laughter), and bo it ought (cheers). What good to Ireland, what credit to England, what peace has this ascendency through long tracts of time brought to either country T (cheers). It ia this tyrannical do-nioation of a bigoted and insolent minority which has been the main cauee of all the evils of Ireland and of the estrangement of the minds and hearts of the Irish people from British rule. Lord Salisbury's dealings with the Catholic hierarchy— and the Catholics look to their hierarchy with respect (hear hear)— are rather singular. In his last speech he criticised tbe appointments made by the Pope. I wonder wbat he would think if tbe Pope were to criticise Lord Salisbury 's appointments (laughter and cheers). He ctlls the Pope— he does not mention him as the Pope— but be calls him " an eminent authority " (laughter) -rather a curious name and one which I do not think will commend itself very much to bis friends in Ulster (laughter). He says he has done very well in appointing Archbishop Vaugban in Englmd, bat very ill in appointing Archbißhop Walsh in Ireland. I fancy "the eminent authority" will think perhaps he understands his own business quite as well as Lord Salisbury (cheers). I don't know that Dr Vaoghan, who has just become the new archbishop, in place of a man whom everybody regarded with great respect, Cardinal Manning (cheers), who, as I ' can testify from my own persona) knowledge, was a fiist'rate Home i Baler (renewed cheers) -I say I don't know whether Archbishop Vaughan will be very much obliged to Lord Salisbury for advertising him as a political supporter (hear, hear) ; but this I am quite certain of, that the criticisms of tbe Marquis of Salisbury are not likely to shake the influence of Archbishop Walsh over his Irish flock (cheers). If Ireland has been to us a hostile island it is because we have made it so. No, gentlemen, we don't regard Ireland as a hostile ii Bl»ndB l»nd on our flank. We regard it as a friendly island on our side (applause). We admit in Ireland, aa we admit in tbe rest of the Empire of the Queen, no superiority or distincrion of race (bear, hear). We recognise no inferiority or incapacity of religion (applause), These are fundamental principles which go to the root of the distinction between the Tory and the Liberal faith (applause). We refuse to make

a No-Popery cry a foundation of our government of Ireland. Wa take it to be no part of our business to bound sect again* a*ct or raoe against ; race. We regard their populations as a whole entitled, without distinction, to equal rights, and, above all, other rights to tbe right of the majority, and not of tbe minority, to rule (chsers). Gentlemen, tbat is the ruling principle of every institution and of representative government (cneere). This is what we mean-that is what we inteod-by Home Rule (cheers). Mr Balfour, in hia speech ) M t Saturday, says :-'• lon have not to wait till the end of the 19th century to learn that, if you refuse to enforce tbe law, the law will be despised, condemned, and disobeyed." Well, those are fine aentimsnts, but they are delivered at the very moment the Prime Minister fa preaching inaurrection in Ulater (laughter and cheera). He is teaching them to despise, condemn, and disobey the law if it doea not suit their purposes ; so that wbat law and order really means ia this— that the law against the majority of the people should be rigorously and even cruelly enforced, but the minority may with safety aod impunity de y ,ny law o, which they may not approve (cheers). Now, gentlemen i, Tm Salißb «y. but the ex-Whig, tbe Duke of Devonshire who holds tbe same language. He says-" They (the people of Ulster) must judge for themselves, upon their own risk, and at their own responsibility, to what length they are morally entitled to go in opposition to a policy which they believe to be not only unwise, bat also unjust and fatal to their best interests end liberty. Tbe amount of resistance which they are entitled to offer to such a government depends upon their own sense of the magnitude of the atake at issue and on their own sense of the chances of mccesa with which they could oppose it. ' Therefore, if you think you can succeed, and if you do not like a law, you are at liberty to resist by force of arms, if you please. That is the modem Whig doctrine. But if tbis doctrine isgood for the Protestant* of the North, why is it not good for th Catholics of the South (applause)? Gentlemen, I havener myself defended rebelhon, or even extenuated it. I have always declared against Fenian Home Rule, but I am equally against the Fenian Unionism of the Marquis of Salisbury (applause). This is the capital issue. The Government have had the advantage of carrying out their own policy and practice, so that you know what it ia Mr Balfou (hisses) claims as a complete and admitted success ; but ia that tbs verdict which the English nation has given, or is about to give, upon the two polices ? (No.) Are they willing that Ireland in The We shall be governed in tbe past? The Unionists claim that they have all the virtue, all the intelligence, all the rank, and all the wealth of the nat.on, on their side, is against us. We have fought tbem and we have beaten them (applause). We will admit, if they please, that we are devoid of intelligence and desti. ll «°Lr rt ru' bUt Wby> tben ' have the * not B * e P* "s from the field? Their cause is better than ours-eo they believe Ibeir men are better than ours— so they say (langhter) Why' then in election after election are our men and our cause preferred to theirs? (Cheers.) Do tbey believe tbat the majority of Englishmen as they s,y of tbe major.ty of Irishmen, are tbe hereditary and irrU conctlable enemies of their own country ? They know very well that their cause is doomed. Tbat is why they are instigating Ulster lo rebel. These are the implements by which they hope to overpower what they know to be the voice of the people. We absolute^ and entirely reject tte claim of tbe hereditary House to determine what questions tbe representative House of Parliament shall or shall not decide (cheers). Wbat is it that the Tories offer you if you renew to tbem the lease of tbeir power ? As for Ireland, their policy, I think may be 6am med up in a sentence— it is of religious strife, race hatred claea ascendancy, coercion of the majority in the past, rebellion by the minority in the future (cheers). That is their programme. These are Tory principles. They are not ours (cheers). Our policy is exactly tbe opposite. We stand upon equality of rights, equality of religion equality of race, conciliation and justice to all people alike (loud cheers). *