IRISH NATIONAL CONFEDERATION. AUCKLAND ASSOCIATION.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XX, Issue 4, 30 October 1891, Page 27

IRISH NATIONAL CONFEDERATION. AUCKLAND ASSOCIATION.

AT an inaugural meeting of the above federation, held at the Catholic Literary Society's Hull, the Hon Mr Tole as president delivered an address to the members. He said his first duty was to thank them for the double honour conferred upon him in electing him unanimously President of the Association, and also thereby seeing in him some qualification for the office which he wished he could more ably and worthily fill. However, he hoped he possessed one or two qualifications at least common to them all ; that he had sincerely at heart the welfare of Ireland, the birthland of his parents, and that he was anxious to co-operate with them all in the endeavour to seenre the freedom of a long-suffer, ng people, and to restore them in more perfect form to the position they once held and were fitted by the Almighty to hold, and to take their place among the nations of the earth . He said before proceeding further he had a sad and solemn duty to perform which it would be impossible to omit wherever any portion of the Irish race were assembled, and that was to allude to the death of Charles Stewart Parnell. This, he said, was not the time to criticise his life and character, because nothing but good should be spoken of the dead. The worst, however, that history could say of him was, that a fierce and relentless public light had been thrown upon a human frailty. At the same time history records that the cruel world often stones its prophets, and the path of tbe patriot ia frequently the road to martyrdom. However, Charles Stewart Parnell, though frail, as a man, as a patriot, was never false. He was tbe inviolable descendant of an incorruptible ancestor who voted steadfastly against the so-called Union to the last. Of all Ireland 'g sons he was the greatest of the century. Sir Charles Russell, speaking of Parnell during the Commission which resulted in sustaining his fame unsullied, said : " My lords, Mr Parnell has forced public attention upon the Irish question ; he has awakened the conscience of England upon tbe Iri«h question ; he has, in season and out of season, persistently and unreasonably in the minds of many, urged liish claims, and he has a right to say and he does claim, that in ten years this party have accomplished more of solid gain and solid remedial advance in legislative measures for Ireland than the history of any hundred years can disclose." Mr Tole contended that this wa9 Dot the casual remark of an irresponsible observer, but the deliberate statement of one of the greatest advocates, and before the greatest tribunal in the Empire, aa dany man of whom such could be said deserved the proudest niche in the Pantheon of hia country. He (Mr Tole) was glad to observe that Parnell was so generously spoken and written about, now after he bad departed from the stage of life. It brought to Lia memory Parnell'a own prophetic words in reply to GlAds'one, who, when a coercionist in 1881, was alleged by Parnell to be maligning all Ireland's great s ids wi'h a few deceased exceptions, such aa Isaio Butt, who was described "as a most estimable mm and a true patriot." Pdrnell said (and for this speech he was placed in Kilmainbam Gaol), "In the opinion of English statesmen, no man is good in Ireland until he is dead and b'iried.and unable to strike a blow for Ireland. Perhaps tbe day may come wien 1 may get a good word from English statesmen, as being a moderate man, after lam dead and buried." He (Mr Tole) did not believe the cablegrams recently appearing in the papers to be a proper indication of the state of affair! at Home. He believed, as appeared in that evening's paper, that there would be no sectional manifesto from Justin M'Carthy.and that a union of all sections of the Irish party would soon take place. They might, therefore, indu'ge in the fervent hope that not only English statesmen, but Irish statesmen — those politically estranged from the illustrious dead, and even those who regarded the cause as overshadowed with darkening clouds — may ia spirit join hands over hi* grave, and proclaim to tbe Irish world — " We who toil in chains to-day Still feel thy words our bosoms thrill ; The damp grave holds thy silent clay, But thy fond faith united we hold it still."

And we, in this distant land, who hare felt enthusiasm and admiration for the dead patriot, and grieve at his loss, cannot refrain from weaving a garland of fervent aspiration around bis memory in the words of one of Ireland's poetesses :- • " Time, the consoler, may asanage our grief, But yet wt promise, as the seasons roll, Whether our life may be prolonged or brief, Our prayer shall be, • Goi's peace nnto his soul. 1 "

Mr Tole then passed on to consider the objects of the Association and its establishment in union with the Irish National Confederation, Were be not speaking to those acquainted with Ireland's history, her beauties and fertility— the virtue, valour, intellect, and religion of ber

people ; ber sufferings, persecution, and mis-government — the occasion might well evoke powers of oratory to which he could have no pretension. Thomas Francis Meagher an:itbetically summarised it thus : — Ruins, blossoms, sterility, vegetation, storms, silence, vitality, desolate repose— such tae history of Ireland — such the ctmractpr of the people by whom that History has been written. But speaking more in relation to the poluical condition of the counry, Mr Tole said any histi r an who descibed (a jwever violently) the " conquest, c jofiscation, persecution, famine, and oppression " would faithfully register tbe. nation s annale. He referred to the Coerci n Acts — one for every year nearly since the union, and tj the present potition of Ireland in relation to her claims for self-government, and the s ate of her tenantry. He detailed the annual cost of cjntrolling tbe population of* lreland under the present coercive sys'em (the hair! of which would be saved under Home ftule) viz. , the army, £2 250,000; military police, £1,500,000; the "Castle," £70,000; Judges and staff, £250,000 stipendiary magistrates and Crown solicitors, £40,000 ; soldiers, polios and prison officials, £150,000 ; Crown Pro secutorß'and Crown solicitors. £80.000 ; spies and iaformer9 (informers' home;, £50,0O0 ) and public buildings for usj of the " Castle," in all amounting to £4,845,000 annually, which proved the absolute failure in any tine tense of government, and also proved that any government would be a failure when it was maintained by powder, bayonets, and crowbars, and not supported by the will, sentimentsand aspirations of the Irish people This was the moral force whicbi constitute! the essential obj ct of the Association. They had a« yet, no particulars of the consti ution and'object*, rules, etc., of tbe parent organisation, but its aims were manifest. They were to promote the happy solution of the Irish question by ihe attainment of self-govern-ment, and to that, eni, to awaken a national eeitiment, which was always a poweiful addition to principle. He (Mr Tole) did not for one moment suppose that this association was intended for purposes of conviviality or possessing any features of mere entertainment. There were of course, elements of pleasantry in every society, however sternanQ solid theaima and objects, but these should be remotely incident, and not by any means prominent elements — dtstroying tbe character and raison d'etre of tbe mcvement. Procceling, Mr Ti.le said that there were nob c hearts, bright intellects, and powerful tongues in England, Irelan'l, Scj lmd and Wales, struggling to further the cau^e of Irelan i's n tcenera ion. T' is new oipanisation looks across tbe Southern Ocean to lrola'id'a csilis to gi7e 'U h ipoit 'o the cause. Scotland was> also now roututc lur utople nbio&d to a 6ense of their national rights, ai.d was in\okint; the moral f-nd pecuniary aid of Soo smen in ihe olo:nes to rei dcv as^is'a cc in tDtir struggle Lr eg f-governme t. He (Mr lot-) had r c-ivcJ a circu lar f rum the Scottish Home Ku'e Association, and ib'b is the vigjro.,s laripua^e in which thiy appeal to the Sc it abroad — '-To mmy Knglial men Sco.la id has r o -cyxr itj ex s ence bit in ' J, at part of Knglardwhicc lies LOtt i r>f the Tw^cd.' E glaa I is Bnta n. All is Kngli3J. It is the Eugl *h army — the English nayy — the English Government — the Englis i p op'.e. Insi l:o & aMeinp's arj m id<i at every bye-Mic ion to tout ku^u.-hm >v upja Lettish c ustituejcies as their representatives lie attempt has prove! bueceisfu in too many instance, and, as mi nutn 'ut h iv^ bee i exp'cei, Sc ■ 1 1 i i a grievances, financial, social, and p ilii ie »l, are tamely submitted to by the repres nUtiv<.s of Sjitland, wh> if they w< re true Si'jtbtuon wou'd stand ■( g thtr like men fo: tit ir country. Oir Sj j ush n itionality is in d.-*ng l i f be ng exui gui«be>\ and an ancient k,n 0 -doai merged into tie northern counties if Knglan I." Ti nth'y point out how this na ional sp.rit h to be fu-jtuiei. "Tj arouse our people to a seusj of their danger, and f na a National farty independent of polnicil bias, and fctrong en ugh to secure our fieidom, we must adupt a c^mprehin-ive pla iif education. We must ci cu'ula literature, hold puouc meetirg«, (c iver lectures. . . ." As showing tbe progress that the que^un of Home Kule for Scotland bas attained in ihe H use of L'ommjus, it la luf-restin^ to note as the cuculai mentions, '* We hay.< i regular lea ler in the House of Com rum and a giowins paity. At the list dni-ioa ia the House on this subj ct, ou tbe 2U^h of M..rch 1 890, 141 members vo ed for, us a^&i&bt 279 whj vited against Home liulj for Scjtlinil." Mr T >le ta.d ne could not refrain from reading to them tbe eloquent ap; eal which roDcluaed this circular, it was so stirring and truly patriotic. " Scotsmen, do jou love your country? we know you do I Are tbe Dame and fame of this nursery of brave mea to be extinguished ? Colojists, we have sent you strong men with fatrong brains, and they I aye made their maik wheie\er they have gone— c m you d > without them, will the world oe licher or poorer by the cx'ioction of Scottish nationality 1 Brave peiple never survive their honour, acd Scotland transformed into the noithtrn cobnties of Enpl nd wou'd be a sorry 6it>ht|. Yet tnere are statesmen who dare to woik for such an ignoble end/and who would close our history, blot out our ins nuti ns, and leave us lo the scorn and contempt of the wvil I. Oh I for the spun of tbe brave heroes of old who taid, 'While trere ateahundnd Scotsmen alive we wih never submit to Engl«nd.' ' He (VlrTule) taid there was a time when me voices of Inshmtn scattered over the world had no force, owing to the msuperable barrier of distance, and he cou6equtnt ignoianca of pastiDg political events at Home,

lef erred to the closer bond of onion between Irish hearts in tbe colonies ani the mother country, arisirg from the rapid progress of civilisation, tbe spread cf literature and easy intercommunication whereby col on i els have readily responded to Ireland's necessities, and prrnounced a panegyric upen Australia and New Zealand ( whtre, with a salubrious and productive climate and free inetitutiorjF, the democratic principle of equality bad 6truck deep, and had raised a happy and prosperous people. Irish statesmen bad recognised this, acd hence tbe visits of Dillon and others to these colonies, who, by their clear acd moderate speeches had impressed the people of the colonies with tbe jus'ice of their case, and while by tbeir calm and temperate statements breaking down the barriers cf prejudice and ignoiance, bed taken away the conviction that Irishmen in tbe colonies bad democstrated tbeir qualifications and fitness for selfgovernment, thus fulfilling Qrattao's words of faith in tbe popular cause :—": — " I would trust any people with the custody of its own libertiep. I would trust no people with tbe custody of liberties other than its own." And this and kindred associations con. ducted on ackn )wledged constitutional principles, emphasised the irnfut.ble argument that Irishmen the world over possessed the in* herent qualifications to legislate for themselves and to administer their own affairs. It was the re-organisation of Ireland's political institutions, that was the main goal of ber national aspirations. Land bills, compensation bills, land purchase bills, etc-, were all very good, but they were simply remote, radiatory forces connected with the great end, Home Rule. Mr Tole said be bad spoken of the moral force in the colonies, acd asked (hem to reflect what was the extent of this force, what wad this power? He would first quote from Mulhall's " Fifty years of Natural progress," from which it was melancholy to notice that the reign of oar present Queen as regards Ireland "has been the most disastrous since that of Elizabeth,' 1 the statistics showirg thit since 1837, no less than 1,225,000 died of famine, and 3 668,000 persons were evicted. Mulhall goes on to say that " no country either in Europa or elsewnere has suffered such wholesale cxteimination." Now, as to the power of Irishmen abroad generally, that was showa by their number and wealth. The number and we. l'h of Irishme x out of Ireland shjwei that there were as many millions of Irishmen out of as in Ireland, and possessing nearly seven hundred millions sterling of wea'th, Australasia and New Zealand alone possessing 750 000 Irishmen with a wealth of £1400>0,000. Asllilhdll smi), " < xidting Iruh settlements abroad and the estimated wealth ia their possessio i show that the bulk of the {migrants were pood citizens of thrifty and industrious habits." All thia si owed that we, in the colonies, were a source of moral and material support to the cause of the land from which a colonial Irish w/iter has been exiled. Mr lole went on to say that they were on tne eve of a political crisis at Home, a general election, that coercion would soon be dead. Fvon up till recently as Parneil has said "no Government, whether it b_> Tjry or Liberal when it gets into office «ill have the same feeling towards Ire'aud, and there is no use in driwing a dis inction b^twee i any of them. They will all coerce you if they can, and they will all pass measures of coercion when they must." But under the altiied Circumstances, and with tbe desire to obtain office on one si ie, ani tna ntaia it on the other, a mor9 attractive Irish policy would Le propounded by the respective great English parties, and the Con ervatives woald probably v.c with the L berals in (ffjring an advanced and acc-ptabls Homo Kule measure. The esseuiil significance of colonial support was thU we were subj cts cf tbe empire, Irishmen ij America wt re ng.rded in a different light. They were open to tbe mahoious stigma of being either rebala or at least exiles in a f neign lan i. But sucu could not be said of Irishmen who were British co oDists. In this sense we were akin to the English, Scotch, andWeUh supporters of the Irish question, who were the strong bop« of the cause, a hope whose realisation was assured, as it was the closing piecge in the life of Gladstone. Mr T' le concluded by wishing success to the new or^a isat'oti, which in union with the other colonial organisations would ciemonitrate to whatever Government would be ia power that H. 3 r Maj sty'a subjects though 16,000 miles »w-iy view the Irish que3tioa from an impaitui standpoint, and by heir firm and intelligent support and sympathy make them realise the fact tnat they can no lorjger withhold the just claims of Ireland when expressed by the universal voice of her race.

Mr Napier then read from " Sat>jectß of tbe Day " an able article by Gladstone entitled " An Appeal to the Tory Householder."

The Secretary, Mr Michael Shcehan, announced that ten new members had b en enrolled in th> Association that evening.

Mr \V. J. Spoigbt gave notice to move at the next meeting certain resolutions expressing regret at the death of Mr Parneil, and also relatiDg 'o the present position of the Irish party.