SIR THOMAS ESMONDE ON THE SITUATION.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XIX, Issue 46, 21 August 1891, Page 23

SIR THOMAS ESMONDE ON THE SITUATION.

The following speech was delivered at a meeting held io Oarlow in ■npport of the National candidate. We take the report from the National Press, Jane 25 :—

Sir Thomas Bamonde, M.P., who was received with great enthusiasm, next spoke. Ha said they were there to recommend to the men of Car low, the candidature of Mr Hammond, Ohairman of the Carlow Town Commissioners (cheers). Mr Hammond was selected unanimously the prerioas day as the future member for Carlow by one of the most representative conventions ever held in that constituency. The selection left nothing to be desired. Mr Hammond was a Carlow man. He was known to them all, and no one would be better fitted than he was to watch over the interest* of Carlow in the English Parliament (cheers). There was no need to impress upon the Nationalists of County Carlow how mnch depended upon this contest, and bow supremely important it was that the selection of theii convention should be ratified by an overwheming majority on the polling day, This election would, unquestionably, exercise an immediate influence upon the Home Bale movement. In all probability it wonld determine the date of the general election, and it might determine whether, at the general election, the battle of Home Bale would be lost or won. Nothing, therefore, should be left undone on the part of the men of Carlow to give expression at tha poll to the voice of Ireland as clearly and unmistakably as it had been proclaimed at Kilkenny and Sligo (cheers). Ireland wanted Home Bale, and Irishmen meant to get it. Kilkenny and Sligo hod shown that in the opinion of our countrymen, the policy of the Nationalists was the policy most likely to lead to success (cheers). It was now for Oarlow to show that she was of the same opioion. Onr policy is simple and intelligible. Our position is perfectly plain. We have changed in nothing. Our principles are the same as ever, and oar par pose is the same. We hope to win self-government for Ireland with the help of the British democracy. We have faith in Mr Gladstone— if for no other reason, by reason of the sacrifices he has made, and the sacrifices he has led his party to make, for the sake of Irish self-government. We cannot win this battle without help. Why then, should we break with our friends, as some would have us do ? The Tories do not offer us Home Rale. We have no reason for supposing that they are likely to offer us Home Rule. If they should offer us a better measnre of Home Rule than Mr Gladstone, I for one would ba quite ready to come to terms with them. But the Tories have nothing to meet oar national claims except coercion. So long, therefore, as Mr Gladstone and his party support our claims, and are prepared when the occasion offers to cive effect to oar demand, so long will it be our manifest duty to persevere in the policy which we have followed with so much success since 1886. While, oo the other hand, it would be nothing short of madness and crime, for which posterity would hold ub to terrible account, if, in a moment of cowardice or panic and for no intelligib'e reason, we were to destroy the work of the past ten jean, and return to the policy of despair (cheers). Is the country prepared to return to such a policy ? Is Ireland strong enough to bear the strain of ten more years of agitation (no, no) ? I say she is not. I say, further, that no one who looks at the question calmly and intelligently can believe that she is. But, be this aa it may, while there is room not merely for hope but for faith as well in the speedy success of our cause, I will be no party to making the experiment of patting back the hands of the political clock (cheers). Upon what grounds, let me ask, are we invited to reverse the policy which we have followed since 1886 ? Have the people of England Bhown any intention of abandoning the cause of Home Bule f What do the recent bye-elections prove? They prove unmistakably that the Biitish democracy is resolved to establish an Irish Parliament as soon as it gets the chance (cheers). What do the declarations of the Liberal leaders prove ? They prove that Home Bule holds the foremost place in the Liberal programme. Why then are Irish Nationalists asked to fall out with their Koglish friends ? The only reason advanced ia favour of this suicidal course is that the majority of the Irish representatives are charged with having suddenly become Whigs, renegades, traitors to the cause of Irish Nationality. What have we done to merit these accusations ? What pledges have we broken ? Of what act of political treachery have we been guilty ? We yield to no men in our devotion to Irish Nationality (cheers). We have kept faithfully every pledge we have given. Every act of ours since November last makes it plain to all the world that we place the interests of Ireland above every other consideration. No, gentlemen I We have been entrusted with a great responsibility by our people at home and by onr race abroad. We recognise that responsibility ; we are faithful to it, and we are not to b 3 intimidated into a betrayal of it. We, therefore, emphatically refuse to wreck our country's cause while we have strength and energy to defend it. Upon these grounds, in the first instance, we ask for the support of the men of Oarlow. We do not, however, base our claims to their support upon these grounds alone. The recent proceedings in the English Parliament are before the Irish public. They have seen how we have laboured there, io face of the opposition of the Tory Government, to serve the interests.

of the Irish farmers and the Irish labourers. Thoy bave seen bow we have sat up night after night daring the discussions upon the Land Purchase Bill, how we have watched every stage of that measure how we have used every endeavour to improve it. And now, what* evar good there is in it, as far as tbe farmer and the labourer are concerned is due to our unremitting attention. Mr Sexton has had something to do, you will admit, in the shaping of tbe Land Purchase Bill. Do tbe farmers and labourers of Ireland look upon him as a itraitor and as a renegade ? But he is one of us, and we are all traitors and renegades. Mr Hammond will soon be one of us. You know him. Is he likely to prove a traitor and a renegade ? Sucb as we are, however, we are as ready and as anxious now as we ever were to serve our country and our countrymen, and we appeal, with confidence, to tbe electors of County O*rlow to give us strength and encouragement in the fight for Ireland's lights — a fight which must shortly eventuate in success, unless our people fling patriotism and common semse to tbe winds. la conclusion let me say this : — We are entering upon what may become — not, I trust, through any action of ours — a heated contest. I would appeal to the men of Oarlow, on whichever side they may stand, to keep their tempers throughout this contest. I have noticed, with inexpressible regret, occurrences which have taken place within tbe last few months in various parts o*f the country. It has been my lot to make experience in different parts of the world of the prejudice existing against our claims to self-government. Mnch of my energy has been expended in combatting this prejudice. And to me it is positively heart-rending to find here in my own country colour given to ths taunt thai we are unfit to govern ourselves. I have good reason to know tbe use which has been made, and is being made, of this prejudice to tbe serious injury of our cause. I would ask of the people of Oarlow not to become parties to this injury. I would beg of them, for Ireland's sake, not to tolerate disturbances of public meetings and insults to public speakers. Irishmen should be the very last to imitate the tactics of the Coercionists. How many times have we not denounced attacks upon our public meetings by tbe officials of Dublin Castle ? Everybody knowß how strongly our denunciations of such attacks have influenced the democracy of Great Britain, not to mention the people of Australia and of America. However much we may differ among ourselves as to tbe merits of the present controversy, no Irishman has any excuse for degrading himself and disgracing his country by adopting Ooercionist methods of dealing with political opponents. Nor should any Irishman ever forget that every Irish interference with Irish free speech will be used as an argument against Irish autonomy. I, therefore, invite the leaders of our opponents to join with us in conducting this contest upon the lines of argument and not of mob violence. We can say what we have to say upon the topics of the hour quite well enough ; we can abuse each other — if we must abuse one another — quite strongly enough, for all practical purposes, without going to the length of breaking each other's beads. I would specially invite the owners of licensed houses in any places where meetings are held not to permit the sale of intoxicating liquor until the meetings are ended (bear, hear). It is a cruel thing that we should fight among ourselves. Bnt since it seems we must fight among ourselves, let us at least, for Ireland's sake, make an honest attempt to smooth the asperities of the fight by repressing disorder when it Bhows its head with a strong hand, and by extending to political antagonists the courtesy at least of toleration (bear, hear).