Current topics AT HOME AND ABROAD.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XIX, Issue 21, 20 February 1891, Page 1

Current topics AT HOME AND ABROAD.

The speech made by the Premier at the banquet A cheerful given him in Wanganui the other night, if promises pbospect. are worth anything, may be looked upon as eminently satisfactory. The Premier, in fact, promised everything that any reasonable colonist could desire, and all we have now to hope is that he may be able to c .rry out his pledges. As to the explanations given by him on the occasion about the appointments to the Lejns'ative Council, the calling together of Parliament, and the honorarium, we need not dwell on them. More than enough has already been said about them. While we admit, however, the justice of the claim which is made that vo secure a Parliament truly representative of the poorer classes, Members must be properly pail, we cannot see|tbat the gentlemen who denounced the honorarium in the instance referred to were called upon, when its payment had been carried, to refuse it. They are entitled to the benefit of the doubt as to whether, under the circumstances, their refusal might not have been looked upon as Quixotic. But Mr, Ballance promises us a fairer incidence of taxation, and a just and beneficial administration of the public lands— including a measure such as we ourseives alluded to in our last issue, for the purchase of land held by monopolists, and a perpetual leasing of native lands. He also proposes to introduce measures for a lasting and permanent reconciliation between labour and capital — the grand desideratum, we need hardly say, of the times —and which, if successful, may make New Zealand a pattern for the world at large. Why, meantime, does Mr. Ballance speak of the Members returned by the workingmen as stigmatised by being called labour representatives. It may be true, as Mr. Ballance says, and, for all our sakes, we hope it is true, that the Members in question not only believe themselves fit to represent all classes, which, perhaps, might not be much to the purpos3, but that they really are so. Their distinctive characteristic, nevertheless, is that they, and thpy alone, »re capable of understanding and successfully asserting the rights of labour. It would have been vain to elect them, if other candidates could do this as well as they could. They may be, and, as we have said. we hope they are, fit to represent the other classes, but the representation of labour is their special office. Why, therefore, should they be ashamed to bear its name. In fact, it should form a part, and not the least part, of their service to the Colony, to give it the example of the dignity of labour. It ill becomes them, therefore, or any one on their behalf, to protest against association with it by name — and that too at the outset of their career. Mr. Ballance, however, as we have said, cheers us with abundant promises. He will, again, have no further borrowing — except that within the Colony — for carrying on the work of colonisation — making roads, and opening up the country. He promises us, in short, a broad and liberal policy — satisfactory to the people of the Colony as a whole. We really hope, then. that the Premier will be able to keep his word. If so, the departure made by him will be as welcome as it is novel. As a proof of the necessity that exists for maintainA false ing the credit of labour, and therefore for a bold argument, profession of their connection with it on the part of men who have been raised by its means to more prominent positions, we may quote a passage from General Booth's late publication. In is of a similar tenour to another passage from the same work recently quoted by us, and runs as follows :— " The common school to which the children of thieves and harlots and drunkards are driven, to sit side by side with our little ones, is often by no means a temple of all the virtues. It is sometimes a university of all the vices. The bad infect the good, and your boy and girl come back reeking with the contamination of bad associates and familiar with the coarsest obscenity of the slum. Another great evil is the extent to which our education tends to overstock the labour market with material for quill-drivers and shopmen.and gives our youth a dislike for sturdy labour. Many of the most hopeless cases in our Shelters sre meu of considerable education. Our schools help toenable a

starving man to tell his story in more grammatical language thai that which his father could have employed, bat they do not feed htn or Uach him whtre to go to get fed. So far from doing this they mc .-ease the tendency to drift into those channels where food is least secure, because employment is most uncertain, and the market most over* stocked." We see, then, once more that the tendency of the system commonly looked upon ac the particular meanß to elevate society, is, on the contrary, as we ourselves from the first have aaid it must be, to degrade it. We see the light in which labour is truly regarded by the better-educated masses — with the consequences ensuing from this. The necessity, therefore, is palpable that the dignity of labour should be upheld, and it is a betrayal of their trust when men appointed for the purpose reject its name as casting a stigma on them. Mr. Ballance argues falsely. The more able such men show themselves, in fact, the greater is the need for their continuing openly and nominally associated with the classes to which they belong, and whom they represent. If Mr. Buick, for example, disowns or conceals association with his kneading-trough, or Mr. Pinkerton with his last, in each instance the value of the representative to those he represents is seriously compromised, if not totally destroyed. It should be the pride of these Members, in fact, to boast themselves the labour representatives, and if they discard the name or the character — or both, for they are probably inseparable, they will simply prove themselves to belong to a lower and more harmful class of snobs. The action recently taken by the Oatbolics of Ger A wise undee- many in forming a League against Socialism should taking. have the effect of placing Catholics in every part of the world on their guard, The adherents of the system in Germany have found themselves strong enoagh to exhibit themselves in their true colours, and in their receat congress, held at Halle, have proclaimed a deternnnji enmity a:aust the Cithohc Church. Socialism, indeed, which is an advanced development of revolutionary theories, is necessarily opposed to Christianity, and in every part of the world in which it acts consistently with its origin and aims, must oppose it— but more especially the Catholic Church by whom alone Christianity in its pure form is preserved, and on whim its existence is dependent. In some countries, however, things are not so far advanced as they are in Germany. Religious Protestantism, for example, is stronger, aad it would be premature to declare the objects that are sought for. To the careful eye, nevertheless, the state of the case is plain enough, and the inherent enmity to religion is only too apparent. We ti id it, for instance, clearly evident in the resolute adheience to Secularism shown by a party as a whole, and the obstinacy *ith whicn they insist on forcing it upon all classes of the community without exception. The Catholics of Germany, meantime, have been fully warned, and, like wise people they have acted on the warning. Nor ia it to be thought that, in doing so, German Catholics have taken a retrogressive step. On the contrary, they are just as anxious for genuine progress, for the welfare of the working classes, and the establishment of just relations between capital and labour ,as any one can be. But progress in a misleading path they perceive to ba progress falsely so-called. Their league includes in its programme the inculcation of truly progressive ideas, and one of its chief maans of carrying on the contest will be by spreading abroad sound doctrine on all social subjects. The undertaking ot the League, in short, embraces everything that tends to promote social order, and to avoid wild and violent upheavals, undertaken under the pretence of reforming society — but which, if successful, must end in confusion and evil far worse than that for which a remedy was, perhaps more or less sincerely, sought. Sir Geobge Grey is reported as saying thatj A fine although Australian federation is a matter to be proposal. desired, for the time being New Zealand should remain apart from it. Sir George, nevertheless, has ideas of still greater magnificence, and desires to see a federation of the English speaking races. It is, however, somewhat remarkable that steps have actually been initiated to bring about a federation of the various States of America, including those in which Spanish and Portugese, and any other language, are spoken, as well as those that

speak English, Nor is it very easy to see why peoples should be excluded whose languages are different. The confusion at Babel was intended to separate men engaged in common on an evil undertaking* We do not learn that its object < mbraced the separation of men whose union meant the pursuance <md furtherance of praiseworthy ends. — Men speaking English, besides, may vary quite aa much in disposition and sentiment as men who make use of different tongues. That I their interests also may be various, we can easily gather by reading, for example, some of the articles in the American protectionist organs. A possible federation, or alliance, moreover, that at present is feared as threatening the existing state of Europe, and consequently of the world, is that between two nations which speak different tongues — namely, the Chinese and the Russians. The movement towards progress, in fact, which for some time has been taking place in China, shows signs now of proceeding at a much accelerated pace. Railways are to be constructed in the country, and industries developed and established. A great deal has already been done towards equipping the nation as an armed and warlike people. They have become adepts in the founding of guns and cannon, and as we know their naval power has arisen and grown under English instruction. What is now feared is that they will form an offensive and defensive alliance with Russia, and will pour their manufactures and the products of their industry and skill into Europe, so aa to defy all competition there. Europe, nevertheless, is not the only portion of the world that would be affected by such an alliance. The alarm has already been sounded in the United States, and it has even been proposed to close American markets against Chinese purchasers, lest facilities should be given for bringing about the condition of things apprehended. But much more reason is there for these colonies to fear j any growth or expansion of Chinese power. We know that theChineEe Goverament is not completely indifferent to whattakee place among us. The anger shown by them touching the recent legislation in some of the colonies for the exclusion of Chinese immigrants has made that quite evident. At any rate, the development of Chinese resources, so as to make the country the formidable power it has capacities to become, must necessarily affect the position of these colonies in no light degree. — Sir George Grey expresses the opinion that the greater federation of which he speaks would probably lead to changes in the constitution of the Colonies. "It seemed to him," he added, "that in the event of such federation, questions of defence would be effectually settled." And questions of defence, it is evident, would assume an immeasurably greater importance for us with China in alliance with Russia and established as a fully developed power on our ilank. What, therefore, aro the chances of the formation of this federation of which Sir George speaks, and which it is possible to suppose mi ft -ht actually become imperative for our safety 1 It must also, according to present appearances, include some alliances that are not English speaking, in the shape, for example, of the South American Sates. Bit it it be held in view, the manner in which a certun transaction that may occur before very long is regarded by us must necessarily be affected. We allude to the purchase by the United States of the Sandwicn Islands, to complete which it was rumoured the late King Kalakaua had goae to America, and which, if intendcJ, will hardly be hindered by his death, his successor being still more than he under American influences. If the federation of thesj colonies with America be held io view we say, especially with regard to necessities to ariße from Chinese development, the establishment of America in our closer neighbourhood must be considered a very desirable matter. If such be not the case it is to be feaied that the community or! language existing between these co^nies arid the States will be chietlv taken advantage of in the employment on both sides of unfriendly arguments. This question of the San Iwici Is a;ids, in fact, may afford us a very fair test as to whether or not Sir George Grey's proposal can possibly be carried out. We have some fear, meantime, that Sir George is engaged with a chimera. But at least let us hope that from what, ever ra'ional scheme of dtftnee they finally determine on, New Zealand may not be excluded — though it seems agreed that for the present she must remain apart. Cur Auckland contemporary, the New Zealand utitNDLV IL raid, peems anything rather than satisfied witk criticism. the re&ults obtained by the secular schools. Our contemporary declares that, even so far as secular instruction is concerned, thescbcols are a tailure. And let us note particularly that, according to our con'emporary. a Free Library does not present those attiactionH to the rising generation which we havo lately heard *pokm ol at, certain to atteud on the establishment of such an ln'-t-.tu'ion in Duntdm. Our contemporary gives us plainly to understand that such at hast is not tbc case in Auckland, But is not that rather a shabby iuso which cur contemporaiy proposes to th'j Mimstti ct Kduca'iou as a m>'ans of bringing the rising gent rail n hefoi him X r Li-j puisori.il cx.'iminatio l. He recommends that the Minister bbould alvulise f< r an i nan 1-boy and thcu examine tha applicants lie wjahj v>ould fin 1 ttum ignorant of Ntw Zealand geography, ot the ot the Colony, and of

almost everything else except arithmetic and the mechanical part of writing. Our contemporary, however, would back the boys as to their answering in an examination in athletic sports, or in the more doubtful matter of the borees entered for the Melbourne cup, or other things of the kind. The boys, he says, and we suppose he tacitly includes the girls, are not stupid bnt badly instructed. "The fact is that they are good material spoilt in the making." " They are not scholars," he goeß on to w,j t " They are not young gentlemen. They have no polish. Their accent and their gramatical blunders still stamp them as belonging to the class below the educated class." " And yet," he adds, " any English public school boy who has been at a public school for six to eight years — no matter what his parentage may have been, carries with him the unmistakable stamp of an educated young gentleman, both in speech and manners." What was that saying, perhaps now forgotten and always in part calumnious, bnt by which in old times three typical English public schools were described ? " Eton gentlemen, Harrow boys, and Westminster blackguards." Did it not run something to that effect 1 We fancy it would not be difficult to gueas the term General Booth, for example, would pick from it to describe the type of boy produced by the English Board schools — to which the public schools of New Zealand most nearly approach. The secular system, however, as it exists among us in these colonies, is condemned* even by its own friends, as intellectually destructive. In a moral and religious point of view, it is simply an abomination.