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Current Topics

AT HOME AND ABROAD.

WHAT DOBB HB MKAN?

Emperoj may be. King Humbert has been rightly described as being that which the late Comtede Ohambord.or Henry V. f as be was known by his followers, might have been, bad he chosen to stoop to the. position — t at is, le roi legitime de la revolution, the legitimate King of the re : tion. Humbert wears his crown in virtue of his complacency, and j f mains at Rome as his father went there because he must dance the tune the revolution plays him if he would continue to wear ciown at all. But the Emperor William has been supposed to be a monarch of a very different standing, and of a very different frame oi mind. We were led to believe, and with every appearance of reason, that his attitude towards the revolution would be even more stern and unbending than had been that of bis grandfather, and, if there was any excuse for his unfilial temper towards his father, it might seem to aiise from his sincere conviction that the liberal principles by which he was guided were mistaken and certain to prove mischievous in their effects. When, therefore] we find his Majesty insulting the Pope on behalf of the revolution! and performing ceremonies whose end is to glorify the revolution we cannot tell what to think of the position. What has occurred thus suddenly to change the disposition of the German Emperor, and, so far as we can see, to make him lower his head in presence of that sinister power which threatens to destroy all thrones, and which has already brought kings into subjection to it 1 It is but a few months since King Humbert was obliged to sit by with an applauding smile upon his face, while a panegyric was delivered on Mazzini the bloodthirsty enemy of kings, and in whose name the assassins of kings may fitly take their murderous oaths. And now the German Emperor takes his stand beside this puppet king and, in the image of his forerunner, crowns the revolution. What is there that lisa beneath all this ?we may very reasonably inquire. Are there, indeed tokens that the revolutionary tide isJalßO rising in. Germany and that the ruler who would not be submerged and lost must go with the flow 1 The method of dealing with the revolution employed by the Emperor William I. was different from this. He met it firmly, and in those respects in which he had erred and given it an advantage, he retraced his steps. He was manly enough to acknowledge his fault, and bold enough to amend it. He also had insulted the Pope* and besides had injured religion, but he perceived the evil of what he had done and made reparation for it. With the wisdom of a man of long experience and matured judgment he perceived that to.yield to the revolution was to perish, and learning also by experience that to cripple in his realms the power cf the Pope and of religion was to yield to the revolution he undid the evil he had done. What, therefore, does his successor mean by the new departure he seems to have made i Is he also, influenced by some motives not as yet revealed to us, about to become a legitimate monarch of the revolution and with what results ? But as to the invitation which he has given the Pope, to renounce his claims to independence and join the legitimate kings of the revolution — conservative sovereigns as, apparently in jest, he calls them,— the Pope may, for example, accept it when he too can sit by and smile, when the man who has already distinguished himself as the panegyrist and worshipper of Satan, most appropriately delivers a panegyric on Mazzini. The Pope may be a martyr at the hands «f the revolution, but its legitimate king he cannot be— not even at the invitation of the German Emperor.

A PLEA FOB THE TEMPORAL POWEB.

But even if there was no particular meaning in the action at Rome of the German Emperor, which also is quite possible, for emperors are but men, and, as such, must be liable to be influenced by their surroundings so as occasionally to do and say things which in recollected moments they would leave undone and unsaid, the invitation given by his Majesty to the Pope must remain unaccepted. The Pope cannot be the ally of revolutionary kings and ■abject, like them, to the control of aa evil power. Neither can he

If the reports that have reached us from Borne be true, we mast necessarily be in no slight measure confused as to what the meaning of the German

be the ally of kings who, in the sense of the term as used by the Bmptmt William, supposing him to follow in the footsteps, of his grandfather might be called conservative. In either cam the Pops would be tki servant and tool of despotism, for nothing is more despotic than thtl revolution, nothing more arbitrary, nor more unsparing. It wovld baa sacrilegious thought, were it entertained, that the Pope could obey this power, and serve its interests in guiding the Catholic people) Bat neither could the Pope ally himself with the despotic monarchy and exert his power in insisting on the submission of the people to ite' arbitrary will. It was, indeed, the suspicion of such an allianoe that first of all gave to the other despotism its chief force, and caused the catastrophe that overtook the Church in France at the close of the last century. In the alliance between the higher clergy, the soioni of noble bouses, whom the necessities of their rank, for whose adaqtfatt support great reveaues were required, induced to become chorohmea and the lords of the soil, from whom they suffered hardship and ill. treatment the people saw the alliance between the Pope and despotism and, overlooking the great benefits received by them otherwise from the Church, laid on religion the blame of their misfortunes. When the despotic monarchy, therefore, was torn down the Church shared in the fall, and was no less wounded and no less outraged. But, being immortal, she recovered from her wounds, and the consequences to the people themselves were far worse than anything that overtook her. For the sake of the people, were it for nothing else, the Pope must remain independent of tbe despot and visibly separated from him. If the word, for instance, goes forth in Ireland, where under a constitutional monarchy despotism prevails, that the people are to be dragooned and trampled on, their just demands denied, and their efforts to obtain or preserve their rights brutally repressed, there most be no suspicion in their minds that the Pope is in sympathy with their oppressors. If a Catholic population is expelled from Germany under circumstances of great injustice, and among deplorable suffer* ing, it must not add to the grief of the people to think that the Pope is in sympathy with their tyrant. What the Catholic world needs is an independent Pope— himself alone, unbiassed and unswayed, exercising without partiality tha tremendous powers ibat God has bestowed upon him. It it be sacrilegious to consider him as the ally of the revolution, it is hardly less so to regard him as tde ally of the despot. In either case the end 9to be gained are earthly only, having no relation to the things of God, opposed to the welfare of the people, and having evil for their end. We see, then, more clearly than before the necessity of the temporal power. Nothing else can guarantee the independence of the Pope. And his independence is threatened on both sides. Holy Father, says the German Emperor, ally yourself with the conservative Bovereigas. Become at once the puppet and the tool of despotism; Yield to us, cries the revolution, not daring to invita an alliance — go oat of the Vatican and acknowledge yourself beaten, so that we may make a full profit of the people. Various as the contest may seem, it is the same, for its end is the same, that is the mastery of the world and the enslavement of mankind. While the Pope remains as he is, deprived of his possessions, and living on sufferance within the stronghold of the enemy, he will ever be the object of this two-fold struggle— and the Catholic world will continue subject to apprehension and distress. We maintain, therefore, that the visit of tbe Emperor William to Rome and the consequent events make more plain than before the necessity for the restoration of the temporal power— the only sufficient guarantee of the Pope's independence and the pledge and assurance of bis safety.

It may, perhaps, prove conducive to the peace of

A GREAT ENTERPBISH

the w»rld that a new tie of friendship has posiiblj !. been formed between England and Russia. This

has been due, in the first place, to the genius of an English sailor named Joseph Wiggins, whose calculations led him to eonclade that that portion of the Arctic Ocean known aa the Kara Sea could not be icebound all the year, but must afford, during some months at least, an inlet to the great rivers Obi and Yenisei, which flow through the centre of Siberia, from South to North, and form a waterway to the very confines of the Chinese Empire. Joseph Wiggins, therefore, who had meantime risen to eminence in bis profession, kept constantly in view an intention of carrying hi* calculations into practical effect, and, as soon as be should ba in a position to do so, exploring in person the sea and rivers alluded to,

Negotiations however, for this end were necessary with the Russian I Government, and they were accordingly taken in hand and ably carried through by the British ambassador at St. Petersburg, whose report ott the matter has recently been laid before Parliament. In consequence of the arrangements thru made and the concessions granted, Captain Wiggins was enabled to carry out, hia long contemplated design, and, last year, lie ascended the river Yenisei, in a iteamer named the Phoenix, and laden with a cargo of English goods which were gladly recaived, as indeed the whole expedition was with enthusiasm, by the Governor and people of Yene9eiak a town situated some two thousand miles from the month of the river. Nor can we hare much difficulty in understanding the feelings at such an arrival of a community, which had hitherto been lost in the depths of a vast desert, and hardly acquainted with the existence of An outer world, except, perhaps, through some of those melancholy bands of Russian exiles — whose fate has from time immemorial been so muoh commiserated by people of humane minds. But the prospect thus opened of trade batween England and Siberia is very attractive, and holds out great promise of many kinds. Siberia is a land of unbounded wealth and capable of almost infinite development. Its fertility is boundless, and its minerals rich and abundant. One of the most famous of noble European houses, indeed, already ow«3 to it their placa as nobles and millionaires, that, namely, of Demidoff, which originated with a blacksmith of the country, whose deftness in bis trade gained the favour of Peter the Great, and thus obtained for him mining concessions of which he knew how to make due profit. The difficulty of the question, however, seem 9to be, as to whether a country like Russia, woich is so jealous of foreign commerce, and SO anxious to secure fresh markets, and open up new trading centres for herself, will consent to see this great opportunity monopolised or shared in very largely by England. The districts thus opened comprise not only the whole of Siberia, but possibly a great portion of Northern China as well, and the importance of the matter can be bardly over-rated. At any rate it gives Russia a power, if she chooses to make use of it, of influencing commercial interests in England in her favour, and thus making any tendency towards a disagreement with her unpopular— and a matter to ba avoided even at • considerable sacrifice.

"XHB SHOUTING HMPEROB."

We find we were tolerably correct last week in our remarks as to the imprudence of the German Kmperor'a going about the world " shouting," as the Pall Mall Gazette calls it, and without the guidance of an experienced statesman. The utmost apprehension, it seems, •xiits in Europe as to what may come of the Emperor's conduct. And ao good had so far come of it, for the visit to Russia, of which bo mach was spoken, resulted in nothing, and it is even most probable that no subjects of importance were mentioned either by Czar or Emperor. Prince Bismarck, moreover, had been strongly opposed to the visit, as he was also to that now paid to Borne, and his displeasure is hardly likely to be lessened by the honour conferred there by the Emperor on Signor Orispi, who had deserved the Chancelor's disapprobation, and just been snubbed by him in consequence. Prioce Bismarck they say, however, has many causes for displeasure, and things at Berlin are going sadly against his desires. The retirement of Count Moltke, for example, which took place at the wish cf the German Emperor to make way for the promotion of Count Waldersee has caused him great annoyance. In Italy, we are told, they were afraid of the indiscretion of the Emperor, and we do not know that much has taken place there to remove their fears. His Majesty's advice to the Pope, if the report be true, certainly nullified the concession madft by him in going from the railway s'ation straight to the Vatican, as it had been previously arranged, and only afterwards proceeding on his visit to King Humbert at the Qairinal. The Emperor's meaning, we have already Baid, we cannot understand. But tbe possibility that he means to conciliate tin revolution seems a littls •treDgthened by the fact that the German Socialists have recently won • pronounced victory in an election. At all events, his undertakings! whether they have any meaning or no meaning, whether they proceed, as it is also suggested, merely from a vain longing to exhibit himself and bis grandeur, or from some other unwise, though better intantioned motive, have nothing very reassjring in them, and even as contrasted with the worst days of the old Emperor's reign, seem to illustrate the saying — Batter to sup with the devil you kn»w than to sup with the devil you don't know. The younger Emperor with his younger counsellors, will hardly bring about an improvement in the ■tate of European affairs.

PADDY from Cork has proved himself to be the brct'T of a boy. He knows how to Btick to his principles wherever he may be, and neither fear nor flattery caa detaoh him from them. The Cork Barrack-street Band, employnd to play at the Irish Exhibition in London, were asked the other day to favour the fashionable company present with the National Anthem. Their reply, to the general con•tercation of all concerned, was a point-blank refusal. Here is their

I reason why, as given to a reporter of the Pali Mall Gatdte :—": — " Why 1 Do you not know that every emissary of the Castle uses your National Anthem to insult the Irish people 1 Do you not know that British soldiers have been ordered to march through the streets of an Irish town on a Sunday morning singing it ? No opportunity is ever misted of using it to annoy Irishmen. Our refusal was not meant as an insult 10 the Queen or to the English people ; it was simply a protest; against Balfourism in Ireland." And |our belief is that all fair* minded men will acknowledge the justice of the plea. In any case Paddy from Cork has proved himself no poltroon, and deserves the due recognition of his spirited*behaviour. Mb. Gladstone in a speech made by him the other day at Wrexham, reiterated his statement as to the treatment of political prisoners by King Bomba of Naples. He explained that the prisoners who were chained — one of them being linked to a felon, were men who had been convicted of high treason and whose respite. from execution the Government looked upon as an act of mercy. Apolitical prisoner not so convicted, he said, occupied a separate apartment and did not wear the prison dress. It was with the treatment given to this prisoner, and which was usual in such cases, that the speaker had contrasted that obtaining under Mr. Balf oar's rule. The chairman of the meeting afterwards confirmed what Mr. Gladstone had stated. He himself, he eail, had constantly/een King Bomba'a political prisoners in the year 1852, as they took their exercise, and they were neither compelled to associate with felons nor to wear the prison dress. We may add that they also seem to have been better treated wtth regard to their exercise than the Irish prisoners, who are confined to close and dismal courts, shut out from all communication with the outer world. Mr. Gladstone's contrast, therefore, remains true, and English prisons in Ireland deserve a worse reputation than thai which was earned thirty or forty years ago, to the horror of all Burope, by Neapolitan dungeons. Ireland, the know-nothings tell us, if once NO STTCH thing, stripped of its present population would be taken up by English and Scotch agriculturists, who would make a garden of the desert, and a smiling millionaire of every distressed landlord. But what are the facts of the case ? Ireland, as she becomes deprived, rapidly and more rapidly still, of her population,loses the productive powers of her scil and grows barren. Mi Laboucherein Truth, tells us of the conclusions of a certain Bnglish farmer as follows :—": — " Why, sir," said one Biitish agriculturist, "if I were chloroformed and kidnapped, and taken over to Ireland, and led blindfold acrosg ten yards of Irish grass, I could tell it was Irish. It is not grass at all ;it is wire. It scrapes against your boots like wire. It contains no nutritive property." The conclusions of all intelligent visitors to the country, says Truth, are of a similar kind, and their opinion is that even Home Rule can afford no remedy. Mr. Labouchere himself, however, finds the contradiction of this gloomy sentence, in the mouldering remains of the vast promise of better things given by that short period at the close of the last century when the country enjoyed independence, and expresses his belief that Home Rule, in some 20 years, would effect all that was needful. But is it likely that even with Home Bule, Bnglish and Scotch farmers would risk the trial, expending their own capital, for the landlords could not put their holdings into proper order,with such doubtful results. And without Home Rule, the one hope, to avoid wbich the people had been expelled, who would be ao mad aa to make the venture f No. For the the Irish people themselves, inspired by the strong love of their native land, and willing to make many sacrifices to restore her to life and prosperity, the task is set* and no others either can or will accomplish it. Meantime, nature itself continues to cry out agiinat the desolation that 'prevails. Last year 82,923 people, the cream, the youth, and vigour of the population, left the country, and this year's returns give, 86,239 acres of land as fallen out of cultivation. This year the emigration has been greatly in excess, and, no doubt, the consequent sterility will be in proportion, The depopulation of Ireland, then, does not mean the establishment of h&ppy English and Scotch settlements. It means desolation and ruin, and the just ju Igment of God on the destroyers. A young man of Reading, Pa., became insane from " reading too many books on religion and the tariff." The statistics of suicides in France, which have just been published, show the came alarming prevalence of self-destruction. The total for the past twelve months is 7,572, one-fifth cf these being in and around Paris. It is remarkable that poverty has only caused 483 suicides in all France, and this figure includes a morbid fear of impending misery without actual pnva 1 ion ; 1,975 cases may be traced to mental aberration, and 1,228 to physical suffering. Among the moral causes, domestic trouble stands first, and alcoholism next. Theieare 200 cases of disappointed love, and only 27 from jealousy, dislike of military service giving 25. The suicidal month of the year is July, and it is worth noting that suicides have increased since the establishment of the fete on the 14 th.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZT18881026.2.2

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVI, Issue 27, 26 October 1888, Page 1

Word Count
3,469

Current Topics New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVI, Issue 27, 26 October 1888, Page 1

Current Topics New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVI, Issue 27, 26 October 1888, Page 1